Thursday, February 19, 2015

Jonathan’s Kinsman Drags Buhari To Court Over Certificate

A kinsman of President Goodluck Jonathan from Bayelsa State, Hon Donald Daunemigha yesterday filed a suit before the Federal High Court in Abuja against the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd), seeking an order disqualifying him from participating in the March 28 poll.

The suit, which was filed by the counsel to Donald Daunemigha, Barr Douye Fiderikumo, also included INEC as 2nd defendant.

The suit is asking the court to issue an order declaring that the APC presidential candidate is not qualified to contest the election to the office of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria slated for March 28 having presented a forged certificate to INEC.

In the copy of the originating summons made available to newsmen in Yenagoa by the counsel, Douye Fiderikumo, the plaintiff is also seeking an order of perpetual injunction restraining INEC by itself or by its servants, agents or privies from recognising or treating or accepting the APC flag bearer, Mohammadu Buhari, as a candidate for the election.

n order disqualifying General Buhari from contesting the election to the office of President, Federal Republic of Nigeria,slated to hold on the 28th of March,2015 or such other time as the INEC may determine having presented a forged certificate to INEC.

to the office of President,Federal Republic of Nigeria slated to hold on the 28th day of March,2015 or such other time as the 2nd defendant may determine having presented a forged certificate to the INEC.”

According to the summon,the suit is seeking the determination of the following,”whether in view of the fact that Nigerian Army is not in possession of the West african School Certificate (WASC) 1961 of the 1st Defendat,the affidavit presented by the First defendant to the INEC does not anount to presentation of forged certificate within section 137(1)(j) of the constitution of the Federal Republic of nigeria .”

Leadership Newspaper

Saturday, February 14, 2015

Under-Reading Violence By Wole Soyinka

For the avoidance of all doubt, let it be clearly stated that I am against political violence from any direction and for whatever reason. I especially deplore the stoning of President Jonathan’s campaign convoy. I go even further: I caution those who were responsible that if the assigned protection corps for this nation’s president overreact and respond with bullets, no one should scream violation of their fundamental human rights.

Stoning a president is violation of his human rights and, in a time of national tension such as the present, extremely dangerous. Intending suicides are advised to find other, and legitimate means of assuaging their frustrations. The same goes for every level of campaign convoy, visitation, or gathering – be they at governorship, local government, senatorial or whatever level.

    So as not to miss the point, let me also remind impetuous slingshot Davids that Goliath Mbu is the latest kid in town, fresh from his triumph in ‘taming’ governors all over the nation, and reveling in his new elevation for jobs well done. A political jobber by instinct though a clamberer through the police profession, he has wasted no time instructing his men to return violence for violence, fire for fire.

He has been displaying his new attire and pips all over the place, demanding to be noticed – as if his facial snarl is not already plastered over the pages of media annals of police infamy, reminiscent of the good old days of one Inspector-General Adewusi, who would appear on television dripping with gas-cannisters and grenades, with a detachment of Kill-and-Go:

    “You see those men.  The’re not called Kill-and-Go for nothing. They are trained to kill. They only hear the command ‘Go’, but never the order - Stop.”

    Adewusi was Impunity dressed large in police uniform. He mired himself in direct politics – no subterfuge, no subtlety, no inhibitions. He virtually told the electorate which candidate to support – all others were public enemy. He attended meetings of the political caucus of the ruling party and laid down the line.  It is clear that AIG Mbu has emerged from the same mould. Is History about to repeat itself in microcosm? Adewusi was sacked by the Buhari coup and vanished from the police political rostrum. One thing about coups however – the supporting cast of anti-democratic villainy always go scot-free.

Remind me, o historians – is my memory faulty, or was it not publicly announced that he was retired with his full entitlements? And a few days later, that he had indeed collected all retirement emoluments – at unprecedented speed. By contrast, his victims went on to spend years in prison.

    This warped apportionment of deserving it must be that drives such officials to treasonable conduct under democracies. If the trend changes, and even the police are made to account for abuses of office, abuses of the collective rights of citizens, then perhaps we might see the end of arrogant partisanship in the performance of police duties.

    We preach non-violence, but preach this across the board. The electorate must refrain from violence, so must the state and its agencies. Electoral rights have to do with freedom to associate, freedom to express, and freedom to move.  This it is that makes it morally wrong to stone a presidential convoy. Unjustifiable, and reprehensible.

But what we must learn to insist upon, and defend with our last breath if need be is that the same freedom of  movement must be accessible – and protected – to all, as basic right. When a soldier denies an elected official freedom of movement to travel and lend strategic, mobilizing, or simply moral support to contestants of his own party, and is STOPPED, and compelled to turn back - is this some new form of pacific rule that bears no relationship whatsoever to violence?

For those with short memories, I am speaking of the travesty of democratic order that took place in Ekiti where a sitting governor and his convoy were stopped, threatened with guns and prevented from exercising their civil rights.  Here, just to refresh memories, are my words of warning over that event:

    “Where governance has degenerated to such a level that any individual, on account of his uniform, can stop an elected representative of the people, in this case a governor, from going about his legitimate duties or exercising his basic, elementary right as a citizen – as happened during the recent Ekiti elections – we do not need to guess what happens in a situation that calls for general mobilization.”

    The same military are now menacing the residences of prominent political figures who happen to be in opposition to the government. Neither ever asked for police protection. One, a governor, has made no complaint of a breakdown of law and order, the other has not let out an SOS for rescue at the hands of miscreants. We witnessed a similar violation of both state and people’s rights over the oil subsidy protests, when Federal Might took over a state facility, the Gani Fawehinmi Freedom Park, without the invitation of the state governor, and without his knowledge.  There is only one word for this gross misconduct – Fascism.

    The signs multiply – from direct acts of impunity to the abuse of the uniformed forces through co-option, such as are being revealed through exposed recordings, shaming a nation through the complicity of both the elected, and the supposedly professional forces of law, order and public security. This is a new low in the life of this nation, and a grave portent for the future of democracy.  It bodes ill even for the postponed elections. Is the postponement truly to ensure enfranchisement for the entire electorate? Or to fine-tune a new strategy for the absolute and total cooption of the uniformed services?

    We insist that the presidential convoy must pass unmolested. We must also insist that a procession of the meanest citizens in this nation be allowed freedom of movement.

    President Jonathan, it is not too late: LIFT THE SIEGE!

Wole SOYINKA

ps.    To Chinweizu, Chuks Iloegbunam,  and their recent media interventions, the following brief response:

    What a lot of blather over nothing, and all on account of erroneous media coverage! What has China to do with my address to school pupils at Freedom Park over their abducted colleagues.  But first, please take note of your catastrophic error: I did not deliver a lecture to the school pupils!  The article you referred to had nothing to do with them. It was written for the media and circulated to the media, so the umbrage over addressing children in adult language is totally misplaced.

    Regarding the “60” reasons for not voting Jonathan, may I invite you to check the video recordings. My address was ex tempore, conversational, and tuned to what all would agree is their expected level of comprehension. In the process of that address, I turned to the Festival Secretary on the podium and asked, “How many school pupils are with us?” She answered, “Roughly sixty”. I then proceeded to announce: “these are already sixty reasons why I shall not vote Jonathan, all sixty of them.” The media, yet again, has let itself down very badly, and in the process sent Chuks Iloegbulam and company barking frenziedly up the wrong tree. Chinese economic gamesmanship and political agenda for Africa are of general interest to us, but I never cited these as any of the “sixty” reasons for my electoral decision.

    It is a strange proceeding however that Chinweizu should himself ascribe one of the “sixty” reasons, then work up a lather over his private presumption - “Soyinka has sixty reasons. Is this one of them?”  And he proceeds to write an “investigative report” that centres on Chinese commercial adventurism. Now that really boggles the mind and raises troubling questions on the integrity of public discourse.  No matter, demolishing the missing ‘59 reasons’ should be no problem for his fertile mind. We can look forward to some enlightened reading while INEC regroups and puts the nation out of its misery, or the forces of fascism plunge us deeper in its void.

WS

Tuesday, February 10, 2015

INEC Press Release

Following the rescheduling of the 2015 general elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has once again extended the deadline for collection of Permanent Voter Cards (PVC) by registered voters.

The collection of the cards will continue for four more weeks until March 8th, 2015.

INEC had on Saturday, February 07th 2015, rescheduled the 2015 general elections by six weeks due to security challenges. The national elections (i.e. Presidential and National Assembly) have been rescheduled to hold on March 28th2015 while the state elections (Governorship and State Assembly) will now hold on April 11th 2015.

The Commission hopes that this extension will finally avail every registered person yet to collect his/her PVC the opportunity to do so in readiness for the general elections.

Mrs. Augusta C. Ogakwu

Secretary to the Commission 

 

Thursday, February 05, 2015

BREAKING: Audit report indicts NNPC, corporation to refund $1.48billion

The forensic audit conducted by the audit firm of PriceWaterHouseCoopers on behalf of the Federal Government on the operations of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation [NNPC] has indicted the management of the national oil company for various questionable transactions.
Part of the recommendations include that the Nigerian Petroleum Development Company, NPDC, the upstream subsidy of the NNPC should refund about $1.48billion to the Federation Account for various unreconciled transactions.
More details of report to come.
President Goodluck Jonathan had on Monday publicly received the report a day after a former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria [CBN], Chukwuma Soludo, wrote a long, acerbic article accusing the managers of the Nigerian economy of misappropriating over N30trillion of public funds, including several billions in oil money.
The forensic audit was commissioned following allegation by the immediate past Governor of the CBN, Lamido Sanusi, that about $20 billion oil money was missing from the NNPC.
The Presidency had on March 12, 2014 announced, through a statement by the president’s spokesperson, Reuben Abati, that it had authorised the engagement of reputable international firms to carry out the forensic audit of the accounts of the NNPC.
The allegation that the huge amount had been stolen was raised in 2013 by a former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Lamido Sanusi, who is now the Emir of Kano.
Mr. Sanusi said as much as $49 billion was diverted by state oil company, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC.
He later reviewed the amount to $20 billion, and called for investigations after writing to President Goodluck Jonathan.
A Senate probe into the allegation yielded no result. Mr. Sanusi was later fired by President Jonathan after he was accused of “financial recklessness”.
The government said no money was missing, but promised a forensic investigation of NNPC.
In April 2014, the Minister of Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, announced the appointment of the accounting firm, PriceWaterHouseCoopers (PwC), to conduct a detailed investigation into the accounts and activities of NNPC.
The minister said the investigation, under the supervision of the Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation, would take about 16 weeks.
That schedule meant at most by September 2014 ending, the report should have been ready. A two-month delay meant the report should have been ready by November.
But the government only publicly received the report on Monday.

Source: Premium Times

Wednesday, February 04, 2015

I STAND BY MY STATEMENTS Chukwuma Charles SOLUDO, CFR


I STAND BY MY STATEMENTS

Chukwuma Charles SOLUDO, CFR

1. My attention has been drawn to statements credited to the Hon. Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, in response to my latest article and call for a structured debate on the issues. According to the report, she no longer wants to join issues with me. In the circumstance of the moment, I therefore withhold parts two and three of my promised three-part response.

2. Let me also state for the avoidance of doubt that I stand by every statement I made in the two articles viz: (1) “Buhari Vs Jonathan: Beyond the Elections”; and (2) “Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and the Missing Trillions”. In particular, I insist that over N30 trillion has either been stolen or unaccounted for, or grossly mismanaged over the last few years. This figure does not include the estimated $40.9 billion (N8.6 trillion at parallel market exchange rate or nearly two years’ Federal Government budget) which the African Union’s (AU) recent report claims to be “stolen” from Nigeria each year.

3. I wish to thank Nigerians all over the world who have been contributing to this timely debate. This is election time and it is expected that some vested interests will either choose to live in denial or attempt to politicise the issues. But from the debate so far, I am convinced that our economic management won’t be the same again. Once our managers know that the citizens will rigorously and vigorously challenge them to account, the welfare of the citizens will be better for it. Whoever wins has his job cut out for him, and to the extent that this debate has challenged the respective teams to seriously re-examine their blueprints to guarantee the security and prosperity of every Nigerian, my objective is accomplished. I love my country Nigeria, and as I said before, I won’t keep quiet again.

Once Nigeria must survive and prosper beyond Buhari or Jonathan!

Missy Elliott: It's 'cool' kids think I'm a 'new artist'

Missy Elliott has a message for the younger generation: She’s not a “new artist.”

The Grammy winner took to Twitter to respond to the positive buzz from her surprise appearance at Sunday’s Super Bowl halftime show with Katy Perry.

Elliott was one of the biggest rappers and producers in the early 2000s, but receded from the spotlight in recent years after being diagnosed with Graves disease in 2008.

So when she joined Perry on stage and performed three of her biggest singles — “Get Ur Freak On,” “Work It” and “Lose Control” — she caused a social media sensation.

While many viewers were happy to see the 43-year-old performing again, some younger viewers thought she was new to the music scene, leading Elliot to joke about it on Twitter.

“The new kids think I'm a new artist &I'm bout 2blow up like Paul McCartney Lord ha mercy chile I love me sum y'all,” she tweeted Monday, comparing herself to the former Beatle, whose collaboration with Kanye West on "Only One" led to similar confusion among the rapper's fans.

“I think it's cool new kids think I'm a new artist that goes to show u that I'm still on (fire) & will rip down stages 20 yrs later,” she added.

“I believe the children are our future teach them well let them lead the way! Now let's go 2 iTunes & get sum missy joints & dance.”

Elliott’s Super Bowl performance seems to be winning her new fans: Three of her songs skyrocketed to iTunes’ top 10 chart a day after her Super Bowl performance.

Source: NYDAILYNEWS.COM

The Canards of Continuity and Change, By Okey Ndibe

In less than two weeks, Nigerians will unveil a new future for themselves. Or—to be more accurate—a new future will be unfurled for us. That future will be characterized either as “Continuity” or “Change,” depending on whether President Goodluck Jonathan gains an extension of his incumbency or is upstaged—as many odds makers expect—by Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Let me be clear: whether “Continuity” or “Change” carries the day on February 14, the real name of the thing behind the verbal mask will be—“More of the same.” I have shouted myself hoarse making this point, that Nigerians have been offered a hoax in the form of two canards. And we, though we ought to know better, are buying it.

We have a pathetic, failed president and his misnamed Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) trumpeting airy policies as evidence of transformation, and demanding that we renew our relationship with their brand of woe for another four years. And then we have the APC, which in many ways resembles a branch of the PDP, presuming to represent a rupture, a departure, fundamental change. And the rest of us, who ought to have been wizened by harsh experience to discern duplicity—whatever its disguise—are fervently falling for a dud.

What’s even more disturbing, many of us have fallen in line behind either the PDP and its certifiably failed candidate or the APC and its questionable man without first asking tough questions. And our fervency has led us to all kinds of absurd claims.

On the Internet, many of Mr. Jonathan’s social media warriors don’t bother any more to make the case that their man has been a superlative achiever. Instead, they are content to troll the line that, mediocre as he is, he remains a better bet than Mr. Buhari. Those championing the APC’s candidate project him as a magician capable of waving a wand—and pronto, Islamist insurgency in Nigeria’s northeast would disappear. And, while at it, Mr. Buhari would also uproot corruption.

We have permitted both parties to parrot unverified claims, and we have not taken the time to scrutinize them. It’s hard to imagine any election in Nigeria’s history that has been more consequential than this year’s. I can’t think of one in which the stakes have been higher. Yet, we have been quite willing to bumble into it all rather blind, indeed willfully so. We have not insisted on a serious debate. And I don’t mean merely the formal, staged debate that’s often dominated by sound bites, susceptible to manipulation by well-coached candidates.

I have in mind a more rigorous, sustained debate. It is the demand that each party use every campaign stop as an occasion to differentiate itself, to focus on some aspect of Nigeria’s development impediments or structural deformations, and offer a set of prescriptions. Little of this sort of differentiation has taken place in a campaign season marked by cheap, sophomoric name-calling. Call me naïve if you wish, but I had thought that this was one election where Nigerians would insist, at minimum, on programs that are carefully thought through, and—better still—on hearing from political parties about their commitment to a bolder plan for addressing the systemic, structural defects that have bedeviled Nigeria and derailed its promise.

Instead, like the terribly besotted, we not only stood around and watched, enrapt, as members of our two “main” parties (or what I call two factions of the same party), hurled invectives at each other; more than that, we lent ourselves as manufacturers or second-hand circulators of these facile insults. Where we should have called for debates, we settled for being entertained by politicians bereft of ideas, but versed in the art of taking cheap shots.

In this electoral cycle, no segment of the Nigerian population has been more wretched, in my view, than the broad class of the educated. That the ideologically confused APC, with its huge segment of disaffected PDP “thieftains,” was able to usurp the mantle of “change” is an indictment on the failure (or laziness) of the young, enlightened Nigerians who should have seized the moment.

And what role has this segment played? It’s played cheerleader either for the PDP or APC. It’s bombarded the Internet with the kind of noise calculated to terrorize thought. It has not exposed the fact that the free bandying of abuse is a well-known strategy in politics, the recourse of politicians and political parties with no substance to offer. Whatever happens in February, it’s certain that obfuscation, opacity and lip service to “transformation” or “change” will mark Nigeria’s political game for at least another four years.

Which is a real pity. Nigeria has close to thirty registered political parties. How, then, did we manage to put ourselves in this bind where it’s either the PDP or the APC? How did we arrive at this moment where our electoral choice is reduced either to staying put in the frying pan or electing to hop into the fire?

Clearly, Mr. Jonathan has been overwhelmed by the demands of running a country as complex as Nigeria. From the outset, I had entertained a dose of doubt about the man’s mettle and preparedness for the task. In truth, mediocrity had been the defining feature of Mr. Jonathan’s political career—as a deputy governor, governor, vice president and acting president. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo must be named as the chief villain in all of this. For it was he who designed the scheme that put the destiny of Nigeria in the hands of a deathly sick Umaru Yar’Adua and a certifiably confounded Jonathan.

I’m troubled that the same Obasanjo, a man who as president set records in impunity, mischief and hypocrisy, has maneuvered himself into the role of kingmaker—for the ostensible candidate of “Change,” Mr. Buhari.

I’m not one to argue that there’s no difference between Jonathan and Buhari. There are. Each man will bring certain personal traits and values to bear on their presidency. But those personal stamps will only go so far in a political culture where the unifying ethic is primitive accumulation, the contemptible privatization of public funds. Buhari may bring his famed ascetic style to the Presidency, but he has not convinced me that he has the foggiest idea how to confront the monster of corruption in Nigeria. And especially, when some of the greediest monsters (who are too clever to buy into a suicide scheme) are embedded with him, raising his hand and proclaiming him the answer.

In the end, the best Mr. Buhari can offer may be a personal example of refraining from looting. But that won’t be enough. There will be many wolves around him to wolf what he declines to take. And where does that leave us?

I long came to the sad conclusion that it doesn’t matter who—between Jonathan and Buhari—wins on Valentine’s Day. Until the idea of Nigeria is restructured in a fundamental way, until the most enlightened and visionary elements learn to seize their country and the moment, things, I’m afraid, are bound to remain the same.

Please follow me on twitter @ okeyndibe

About Okey Ndibe
Okey is a novelist, political columnist, and essayist. He is the author of Arrows of Rain, a critically acclaimed novel published in 2000.

Monday, February 02, 2015

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and the Missing Trillions (Episode 1) – Chukwuma Charles Soludo


I read some of the responses to my article, “Buhari vs Jonathan: Beyond the Election”, and I want to thank everyone who has contributed to the debate. I am glad that the debate has finally taken off. I have decided, for the record, to re-enter the debate if only to set some records straight and hopefully elevate the debate further. 

Whom do I respond to? First, let me thank Gov Kayode Fayemi for his very mature and professional response on behalf of the APC. It forms a great basis for deepening the conversation. Pat Utomi, Oby Ezekwesili, Iyabo Obasanjo, and thousands of other patriotic Nigerians have raised the content of the debate. Femi Fani-Kayode made me laugh, as usual. The Gov. Jang faction of the Governors’ Forum played the usual politics, although I know what most of them think privately. Who else? Oh, Peter Obi. Well, since he can’t write and designated Valentine as usual to write for him (who never disputed the NBS statistics that Obi broke world record in the pauperization of Anambra people but instead focused on lies and abuses) I won’t dignify him with a response here. His third class performance in Anambra will be the subject of a comprehensive article later.
Here, I will focus on Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s response (as Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy—CME and hence on behalf of the Federal Government).

Since I have known her, out of deep respect, I have never called her by her name: I call her Madam. I must state that I have great pains seeing myself on the opposite side of the table with Madam, in this way. I respect you, Madam, and will always do.  If you read my article of September 2010 (before you became Minister), the tone and elucidation were as strong as the current one. It is my honest effort to ensure that our choice of leaders is based on rigorous scrutiny of what is on offer.  Part of my frustration is that five years after, everything I warned about has come to happen and we are conducting our campaigns as if we are not in crisis. As a concerned Nigerian, I have a duty to speak out again. Regrettably, you have taken it very personal.
I am not bothered about the personal abuses: I actually expected worse. What name has the government not called President Obasanjo or any person who has dared to disagree with it of late? Anyone who disagrees with the government must either be ‘insane’ or have a ‘character’ deficiency or must be ‘looking for a job’ or ‘without honour’, or a ‘charlatan’. Yesterday, Sanusi alleged that $20 billion was missing and he was accused of gross financial mismanagement, recklessness and poor governance to the point of being the first governor of central bank to be suspended from office.

Today, he is the good one; and for daring to award an “F” grade for our economic performance, Soludo has become the ‘worst’ and ‘without character’ or perhaps ‘looking for position’ (Lol!). Some days ago, a former president was called ‘a motor park tout’ and ‘un-statesmanly’ just for disagreeing.  This “how dare you criticise us” mind-set of the government is dangerous for our democracy.

In this Part One of my planned three part series, I will restrict it to the main issues you raised. I will not bother about the malicious attacks on my person. For me, it is nothing personal. In early 2011, I had a similar heated exchange with then Finance Minister Segun Aganga. But when the Nigerian economy was at stake and he invited me to a stakeholders meeting in his office (as Minister of Trade and Investment) to discuss Nigeria’s response to the ruinous EU- Economic Partnership for Africa (EPA), I flew into Nigeria for that (at my expense)— the first and only time I have been to any government office to discuss policy since I left office. It is about Nigeria. I will, as expected, remind people like you of the salient aspects of my record of public service in response to your charge; challenge your claim to debt relief, and your reason for not saving; highlight your forgery of economic statistics and the lies in your response; but most importantly re-focus our attention to the historic mismanagement of our economy which you carefully avoided.

I will show that while you are introducing austerity measures and soon to immiserate the citizens, our public finance is haemorrhaging to the point that estimated over N30 trillion is missing or stolen or unaccounted for, or simply mismanaged— under your watch! We can’t go on like this, and I am convinced that an alternative future is possible. Can we have a public debate on this alternative future? The issues at stake are too grave to be trivialized through name calling. As I write, the naira exchange rate to the dollar is at N215 (from N158 a few months ago) and unless oil price recovers, this is just the beginning.  For the sake of Nigeria, I won’t keep quiet anymore!

READ: Buhari vs Jonathan; Beyond The Election – Chukwuma Charles Soludo

Let me start with Madam’s rather comical, wild judgment on my tenure of office which I believe to be totally false and baseless. I apologise upfront that in the process of making a ‘personal defence’, it is difficult to avoid a rather uncomfortable emphasis on “I”. I did not want that but since Madam has dragged us this low, I have little choice but to do so in the next few paragraphs—just to keep the record straight!

In my view, there are three criteria for evaluating a public officer’s stewardship: the evaluation by his employer; the satisfaction of the public he served; and the hard facts of performance. As I will show on these three counts, I am convinced that I left a world record of public service, and a thousand Okonjo-Iwealas cannot re-write that history. I served Nigeria under two presidents (Obasanjo and Yar’Adua) and as my immediate bosses, below are their written testimonials of my record.

Said President Obasanjo (December 2004):

“Charles Soludo is a true Nigerian. He is the sort of Nigerian that we all know we can rely on. Among his numerous virtues is COURAGE. I have found in him a man who can take tough and realistic decisions, stand his ground, educate others on the salience of his decision, and work very hard to ensure that the decision is efficiently and effectively implemented. His dedication to duty is first rate. His leadership qualities are admirable and his willingness to listen and learn is simply infectious. Professor Soludo has within a short time emerged as one of the leading lights of our nation. Not because he has a godfather but by sheer hard work, loyalty, dedication to duty, commitment to the nation, creativity, and undiluted association with the reform agenda….”

President Yar’Adua (May 2009) had the following to say about the Central Bank of Nigeria under my leadership:

“… the CBN has performed creditably well in delivering on its core mandates. This is especially even more so in the last five years. Most people would agree that without the successful banking consolidation and effective management of our foreign reserves, the current global crisis would have shaken the financial system and our national economy to their foundations with calamitous consequences”.

In the President’s special letter of commendation after the completion of my tenure of office, President Yar’Adua (June 2009) had the following to say to me:
“As your tenure as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria comes to a glorious end, I write on behalf of the Government and people of Nigeria to place on record our debt of gratitude to you for your dedicated service and uncommon sense of duty over the past five years.

I am confident that your worthy antecedents in the CBN and in prior appointments in the service of our nation remain sources of inspiration to an entire generation. As I wish you even more astounding successes in the years ahead, it is my fervent hope that you will readily avail us of your distinguished service when the need arises in the future”.

To the best of my knowledge, President Obasanjo has not changed those views even after ten years. The views of my two bosses, not the emotional outburst of an angry person desperate to get even, are what count.

How did Nigerians evaluate my public service? Unfortunately, we do not have scientific opinion polls on job approval ratings for individual public officers. But if the public opinions of individuals and organized groups (labour, employers, depositors, borrowers, stakeholders of the financial institutions, newspaper editorials, investors, etc) as expressed in thousands of newspaper/magazine clips during and after my tenure are anything to go by, then 82% of the public largely agree with the sentiments expressed by my two bosses. Your views belong to the other 18% which is okay, after all, no one is perfect. Five Nigerian newspapers and magazines simultaneously named us “man of the year” in one year— unprecedented in Nigeria’s history.

I do not talk about hundreds of awards and recognitions by various segments of our society (during and even after service) for “excellent public service”. I was particularly touched by the historic award by the staff union of the Central Bank and the tears in the eyes of many as thousands of the staff gave me a standing ovation as I walked the aisle after my brief farewell speech.

Certainly, the international community (investors, bankers, scholars, donors, media, etc) took serious notice of the revolution in Nigeria’s monetary and financial system. I am recipient of five international awards as global and African central bank governor of the year, not to mention dozens of other recognitions (even after leaving office). The London Financial Times described us as “a great reformer”. Even as the global economic and financial crisis raged in 2008, the United Nations General Assembly appointed me to serve on the Commission of Experts to reform the international monetary and financial system.

You don’t appoint someone who has ‘mismanaged’ his national financial system to reform the global system. For 8 years until 2012, I served on the chief economist advisory council (CEAC) of the World Bank, and together with two Nobel Prize winners in economics and other experts we met periodically and advised two presidents and two chief economists of the World Bank, and in 2011, I served on the External Advisory Group of the IMF. 

Again, these are not positions for ‘mis-managers’. Since I left office, I have been advising countries and central banks; and there is hardly any two months I don’t consult/advise on banking/financial and monetary policy. I have given these illustrations to make the point that for every one Okonjo-Iweala’s attempt to rewrite history, there are thousands who disagree.

Now, to some skeletal facts of our stewardship! I will be brief as I have a whole book to tell my story. As chief economic adviser, I had advised that our banking system could not support the private sector-led economy envisioned under NEEDS. When I assumed office at CBN, I inherited 89 rickety, mostly family banks (all of which put together were not up to the size of number four bank in South Africa). Many were insolvent, with depositors’ money trapped, and 20 more about to collapse. To get a credit of $300 million probably required all the banks to syndicate it. For me, there was a national emergency.

I drafted a 13-point reform agenda, discussed and agreed all the specifics with the President, and his VP; as well as my management team at the CBN, and we swung into action. President Obasanjo promised 100% support and actually delivered 1000%— which was decisive. I apologize to you Madam because I did not brief or inform you about it. We just wanted to keep it confidential given the sensitivity of the announcement. It is on record that you never supported it.

It was both a revolution and a war and most people thought it was “impossible”, but thank God we succeeded. For the first time in Nigeria’s history a policy of that magnitude was announced and deadline kept with precision.  We were courageous to revoke the licenses of 14 banks, including those of my friends, in one day. The FT-Banker concluded that the scale, precision, and cost of the transformation were unprecedented in the world. Before then, Malaysia had the least cost of banking consolidation at 5% of Malaysian GDP. It did not cost Nigerian taxpayers one penny. Twenty-five new, stronger banks emerged but the powerful idea behind consolidation ignited something even more powerful—‘the race to the top’. Banks raised more capital, and even banks like First Bank, Zenith, GTB, etc that did not merge with others went on capital raising several times.

The consequence was higher levels of capitalization and within two years, 14 Nigerian banks were in the top 1000 banks in the world and two in the top 300 (no Nigerian bank was in the top 1000 before I came). Even after I left office, still 9 banks were in the top 1000. Our vision was to have a Nigerian bank in the top 100 banks within 10 years.

As I see the new Access bank; Zenith, GTB, Fidelity, Diamond, UBA, FBN, FCMB, Skye, Stanbic IBTC, Union, Ecobank, etc, I cannot but feel that we have taken giant steps forward.
Deposits and credit soared (from barely N1.2 trillion to over N7 trillion); new technologies (ATM and e-banking) boomed, and banks had 57,000 new jobs; mega businesses emerged (ask any major operator in the Nigerian economy their experience with banking and credit before and after Soludo —the Dangotes, Arik, MM2, oil and gas operators; etc); capital market boomed and dominated by the banking sector.

It was a new dawn for Nigerian private sector. I have heard Dangote twice say that he would not be near as big as he is today without the banking consolidation. Many other stakeholders still say it today. FDI and portfolio inflows flooded into Nigeria. The world celebrated, and one single transformative idea has changed the face of the private sector and economy forever.  Banks became Nigeria’s first transnational corporations with about 37 branches outside of Nigeria.

Nigeria survived the global crisis because of this, and it is the banking sector that has largely been powering the economic growth you claim (compare banks trillions of naira credit for investments in the productive sector with your government’s miserable expenditure on critical infrastructure and investment; much of your borrowing – bonds – is from the banks). Your privatization of power sector, several PPP projects on infrastructure, etc, are now possible because of the mega banks.

Today, Nigerian banks syndicate multi-billion dollar loans— unthinkable before. Madam, if the consolidation was ‘mismanaged’, there would not have been any bank to start with in the aftermath of the global crisis— as President Yar’adua correctly pointed out. Even you, during a recent presentation at the Banquet Hall in Abuja advertised consolidation as a historic achievement.

How can you recognize a ‘mis-managed’ project as an outstanding achievement? As we say in Igbo, you can’t cover the moon with your palms.
Let me be clear: the quantum size of the new banks following consolidation presented challenges of risk management and supervision. We deployed all we had and overworked the CBN staff. The carry-over of bad loans from the consolidated banks was quickly cleaned up. To the best of my knowledge, we instituted stringent regulatory and supervisory regime (consistent with best practices at the time). We even had resident examiners in the banks and required bank MDs to personally sign their reports to CBN.

I recall that the former MD of GTB complained of “regulatory intrusiveness”. To our credit, non-performing loans (NPL) came down from 22% in 2003 and 2004 to 6% as at 2008. Anywhere in the world, a central bank that brought NPL from 22% to 6% over a four year period does not look like one with a loose supervisory regime. Name other developing countries that performed better, Madam. So, on point of fact, Madam lied. Yours was a reckless assertion without basis by a Finance Minister.

The banks in Nigeria were supervised by the CBN and NDIC, but other institutions— international firms which audited them, international rating agencies which also examined their books, capital market operators since most were listed companies — all had oversight. I put on record that there was never any information/report of infractions by any bank which was brought to my attention and which we did not act upon decisively during my tenure. I heard the comment that some of the bank MDs were my friends.

Well, my response is that perhaps as CME you should kill all your friends operating in the economy or become their enemies. For the record, my successor audited all the banks and none of my so-called friends was indicted. It speaks volumes. Indeed, it is also a fact that the alleged personal criminal infractions (including lapses in corporate governance Madam alluded to) by some bank CEOs were found out, only AFTER they had been removed from office. My successor told me that the comprehensive audit of the banks did not reveal such infractions. Of course, you must be God or have a special tip-off from inside to get to such information while the MDs are in office. Unfortunately, all over the world, no financial system has succeeded in routing out all criminal behaviours by the operators. So, Madam, I challenge you to provide one shred of evidence that ‘there was no separation between regulators and regulated’ or be honourable enough to retract your reckless statement.

What happened? The unanticipated and unprecedented crisis of 2008/09 hit the world. More than 40 US and European banks either collapsed or were shaken badly (remember the Lehman Brothers, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, Wachovia, HSBC, Lloyds TSB, Citibank, Goldman Sachs, even UBS, etc) and hundreds of billions of dollars were spent to bail them out. The contagion effects spread like a wild fire, destroying national stock markets and banks.

The nascent (big) banks in Nigeria faced sudden multiple shocks— liquidity, exchange rate, oil price, capital market, etc. As oil prices collapsed, loans to oil and gas became non-performing overnight; loans to the capital market became non-performing overnight; etc.  Our first priority was to save the entire banking system and the economy from systemic collapse. I assured Nigerians that no bank would be allowed to fail, and not many people know what it took to achieve it. Once we had navigated through the unexpected /unprecedented turbulence, we laid out a comprehensive plan to clean up the debris which we presented to stakeholders in Lagos (March 2009). I had pleaded with the Senate to pass the AMCON bill which we sent to them in 2004. But I had a comprehensive plan to finish the clean-up with or without AMCON by the end of 2009, including second round consolidation and a N500 billion fund (my book will detail all these). I left behind an 11-volume document of the Financial System Strategy 2020 (FSS2020) which has remained the policy roadmap for the CBN/financial sector since I left office.

I have two analogies for our experience. Ours was really like an airplane that was cruising and suddenly meets an unexpected and unprecedented turbulence. After the pilots and the crew succeed in navigating through the potential crash and probably land the airplane, people look in and start blaming the crew for the broken tea cups, chairs, and drinks that fell during the turbulence as evidence that the crew never kept the airplane clean or serviced it. My second analogy is that of a sudden earthquake in a region it was never expected and some houses collapsed. All of a sudden, the housing authority is to blame for not requiring earthquake-proof foundations for the houses. Well, my legal experts call it force majeure, an act of nature!
To be fair, after every crisis, there are lessons (and my book will detail what, with benefit of that experience, we should have done differently). Risk management— which has always been there— now took a new centre stage all over the world following the crisis. But for anyone to suggest that CBN under me, for one minute, took its eyes off the ball is, to say the least, ludicrous. The US financial system literally crippled the world costing America hundreds of billions of dollars but no one has suggested that Alan Greenspan is no longer the great maestro!

AMCON is a big topic (which I will address at a later date) but her claims show either ignorance or mischief. She claims that N5.7 trillion of AMCON funds was used to rescue banks and the ‘bond issued’ as ‘cost to taxpayers’. Really? I will deal with the AMCON I envisaged and the AMCON under you later but let me state that even if 100% of the banks’ NPL was offloaded on AMCON, it would not be up to N5.7 trillion. Enough said for now. The fact is that the Federal Government has not put a penny in the AMCON fund: the banking system is financing itself, and together with the sinking fund by banks, AMCON surely can’t default (thanks to consolidation that the banks are now big enough to cough out such funds to solve the system’s problem). Did you intend to deceive the readers by refusing to tell them that much of the AMCON fund is ‘investment’ and not ‘expense’. Am sure you heard the IMF’s alarm about moral hazard? If you want, we can have a focused debate on AMCON.
Next, let me briefly respond to a few outlandish claims. She brags about ‘single-digit’ inflation rate ‘now’ and alleges that when I left office, inflation was above 13%. I just laughed at this one. In Nigeria’s history, no governor of the Central Bank has delivered 24 consecutive months of single digit inflation as I did until the advent of the unprecedented global crisis in 2008. It was not for nothing that the world cheered us as monetary policy czar, Madam! Perhaps you are also not aware that we broke a world record by having a depreciated real effective exchange rate during a time of export boom and this was at the heart of our reserve accumulation and the portfolio/FDI inflows. I resisted the IMF advice to deplete reserves for liquidity management, and Nigeria had enough self-insurance to survive the global crisis.  The opposite has happened under you Madam, and the Nigerian economy is in trouble. Naira exchange rate appreciated under me from N133 to N117 before the global crisis; and reserves grew to all time high of $62 billion. For the first time since 1986, the official, interbank and parallel market exchange rates converged under me. You can’t match these records!
READ: Buhari vs Jonathan; Beyond The Election – Chukwuma Charles Soludo
I hereby challenge your attempt to blame others for not saving for the rainy day. It is not a virtue when you are quick to appropriate all the credit when things are going well, but shift the blame when they go wrong. You blame the state governors— who, according to you, have taken the Federal Government to the Supreme Court—not that a Supreme Court judgment forced your hands. For your information, the governors have never agreed to savings and always threatened court action even under Obasanjo. Why did we save under Obasanjo but not under Jonathan? Two keywords explain it: leadership and integrity.  Governor Amaechi said the governors insisted on sharing the funds because they found out that you were illegally fiddling with the savings.  So, as Nigerians still wonder, if billions of dollars are now ‘missing’ under your nose, why should governors trust you to keep their money?  Do the states that have taken the federal government to the Supreme Court and refused to save also include the PDP governors—who are in the majority? If so, then it is fatal: even governors of your own party, PDP, do not trust you to keep their money! Furthermore, did the governors also stop the Federal Government from saving part of its share? If you ran a surplus budget at the Federal level, you would have had credibility to blame others or to say they did not listen to your advice. The key point is that since you were running huge deficits yourself, it was also in your own interest to share the ECA. You did not show leadership or credibility, full stop!
Next, Madam, I was really embarrassed for you to read that one of the reasons for declining forex reserves is ‘oil theft’. Under you as Minister of Finance and coordinator of the economy, the basket of our national treasury is leaking profusely from all sides. Just a few illustrations! First, you admit that ‘oil theft’ has reduced oil output from the average 2.3 – 2.4 million barrels per day (mpd) to 1.95mpd (meaning that at least 350,000 to 450,000 barrels per day are being ‘stolen’. On the average of 400,000 per day and the oil prices over the past four years, it comes to about $60 billion ‘stolen’ in just four years. In today’s exchange rate, that is about N12.6 trillion. This is at a time of cessation of crisis in the Niger Delta and amnesty programme. Can you tell Nigerians how much the amnesty programme costs, and also the annual cost for ‘protecting’ the pipelines and security of oil wells? And the ‘thieves’ are spirits? Come on, Madam!
Second, my earlier article stated that the minimum forex reserves should have been at least $90 billion by now and you did not challenge it. Rather it is about $30 billion, meaning that gross mismanagement has denied the country some $60 billion or another N12.6 trillion.

Now add the ‘missing’ $20 billion from the NNPC. You promised a forensic audit report ‘soon’, and more than a year later the Report itself is still ‘missing’. This is over N4 trillion, and we don’t know how much more has ‘missed’ since Sanusi cried out. How many trillions of naira were paid for oil subsidy (unappropriated?).  How many trillions (in actual fact) have been ‘lost’ through customs duty waivers over the last four years? As coordinator of the economy, can you tell Nigerians why the price of automotive gas oil (AGO), popularly called diesel,  has still not come down despite the crash in global crude oil prices, and how much is being appropriated by friends in the process?  Be honest: do you really know (as coordinator and minister of finance) how many trillions of Naira, self- financing government agencies earn and spend? I have a long list but let me wait for now. I do not want to talk about other ‘black pots’ that impinge on national security.  My estimate, Madam, is that probably more than N30 trillion has either been stolen or lost or unaccounted for or simply mismanaged under your watchful eyes in the past four years. Since you claim to be in charge, Nigerians are right to ask you to account. Think about what this amount could mean for the 112 million poor Nigerians or for our schools, hospitals, roads, etc. Soon, you will start asking the citizens to pay this or that tax, while some faceless “thieves” were pocketing over $40 million per day from oil alone.
You alluded to debt relief in your response and tried to take credit. Well, your CV is honest enough to admit that your two achievements in office as Finance minister under Obasanjo were that “you led the Nigerian team that struck a deal with the Paris Club” and that you “introduced the practice of publishing each state’s monthly financial allocation in the newspapers”. You are right about the two achievements. Let me put on record that Nigeria would have secured debt relief under anyone as Minister of Finance. President Obasanjo secured debt relief for Nigeria. Much of his first term was used to get Nigeria back into the international community and to campaign for debt relief. Before you were sworn in as Minister of Finance, President Bush visited Nigeria and both of us accompanied President Obasanjo during the meeting. There, Mr. Bush promised to support Nigeria with debt relief and asked our president to ensure that he met the conditions of the Paris Club. Obasanjo mobilized the global political support and coordinated all of us to ensure that the government met the check-list of ‘conditionalities’ as required.  I spent five weeks in the hotel with my team (as coordinator/chairman for drafting the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy, NEEDS).
Some of the reform targets in NEEDS became the ‘conditionalities’ Nigeria was required to fulfil to merit debt relief. You and I signed the various MoU with the IMF on behalf of Nigeria (the policy support instrument). We had a great team at work and each member of the economic team had specific aspects of the conditionalities to deliver: Bode Agusto was in-charge of the budget; Oby Ezekwesili held sway at Bureau of Public Procurement and later Minister of Solid Mineral, and Education (but specifically tasked with delivering on EITI and procurement reforms); Nuhu Ribadu was at the EFCC fighting corruption; I was at the Central Bank delivering on monetary policy and banking reforms; Steve Oronsaye worked hard to delist Nigeria from the FATF; Nenadi Usman was in-charge of the parastatals; El-Rufai held forth at FCT and in charge of public sector reforms; privatization programme went on, etc. Did you know that the IMF wrote President Obasanjo threatening that there would be no debt relief if the CBN did not meet some monetary targets, and do you know the magic we performed to meet them? Can you tell Nigerians which of the ‘conditionalities’ that you personally implemented? With the groundswell of political support and Nigeria meeting all the ‘conditionalities’, debt relief was assured.
Your major role as stated in your CV was to lead the team to negotiate the specific terms of the relief, having fulfilled the conditions. I still believe that Nigeria should have gotten far better terms than you negotiated. Of course, with your eyes on returning to the World Bank after office, I did not expect you to boldly stand up to the donor community in defence of Nigeria. Was there a conflict of interest on your part?
By the way, can you tell Nigerians why you were eased out as Finance Minister and you cried like a baby begging OBJ to still allow you remain in the Economic Management team—- barely few weeks after the debt relief? Why were you eventually also removed from the economic management team if you were so important?  Ironically, President Jonathan has recycled you, with a bigger title and greater responsibilities. But the difference is that the team that did the actual work is no longer there, and the world has seen that the king is naked.
You are brilliant Madam, but you need serious help. Having spent all your life in the World Bank bureaucracy largely in administration/operations, no one will blame you if your economics has become a bit rusty. There are firebrand Nigerians all over the world to draft to service. It is certainly embarrassing to Nigeria for you to be bothering World Bank economists to help you with most basic economic analysis.
Your response on the poverty issue is deeply troubling. You accuse me of using “2011 statistics on poverty by the NBS to support his argument, while ignoring more recent figures”. At least you did not refute the NBS figure as valid. In the next sentence, Madam went ahead to note that “as stated in the Nigeria Economic Report 2014 by the World Bank, poverty in Nigeria has dropped from 35.2 percent of population in 2010/2011 to 33.1 percent in 2012/2013”. Did you notice that you have quoted two figures for poverty for the same year as being equally correct? So, for 2011, was poverty 71% (according to NBS) or 35% according to the World Bank? To the best of my knowledge, the last published household survey by NBS was in 2011. The World Bank does not conduct household surveys in member states to determine poverty incidence. So, when and by whom was the survey that gave the World Bank figures?
What worries me is that this government is the first in our history to attempt to manipulate our national statistics under Okonjo-Iweala. When NBS published the poverty figures in 2011, she felt indicted and incensed. She called upon the World Bank to come and examine the ‘methodology’ and get NBS to ‘review’ its numbers. Oby Ezekwesili (as VP Africa Region rejected the call to try to tamper with a country’s statistics). Once Oby left, the ‘World Bank’ started talking about ‘new figures’, without conducting any new surveys. 

I was told about it by a World Bank economist, and I cautioned that it was a dangerous gamble that would damage the credibility of the NBS. If you want to ‘review methodology’, you conduct another survey but you can’t change ‘methodology’ because you don’t like the published figures. No government in our history has tried it: even Sani Abacha allowed a poverty survey that put poverty at 67% under his regime. At this rate, who will believe statistics coming from the Nigerian government again? Is it now the World Bank that sits in Washington and allocates poverty numbers to Nigeria? Something smells here!
Madam alleges that the NBS—as a parastatal under the National Planning Commission (under me) departed from the ‘international standard method of poverty measurement’. How and when, Madam? I was in office at National Planning for 11 months from July 2003 to May 2004. A poverty survey was conducted in 2004 and the results computed and published in 2005/2006— more than a year after I had gone to the Central Bank. Or perhaps, it was a clever way to divert attention from your manipulation of published economic statistics.

The NBS published its poverty data in 2006 when you were Minister of Finance, and you did not question the ‘methodology’ because the figures looked good. In 2011, the poverty numbers (using the same methodology as in 2005/2006) indicted the government and suddenly, the ‘methodology’ is wrong. Interesting times!
Now that you decide which economic statistics published by NBS to accept and which ones to ‘change the methodology’ to give favourable figures, you can keep feeding your manipulated figures to your international media circus for the vain glorious awards to sustain an empty hype, while Nigerians groan under hardship. We can actually ask Nigerians whether they are getting better off now contrary to your bogus figures.
Many of Madam’s responses were comical, but this one is classic. According to her, the chief economic adviser and NBS “worked hard to determine how many jobs we need to create in a year”, and went on to ask, “why didn’t Soludo do this when he was CEA?” (Lol!). Madam, any good economist needs less than 10 minutes to compute this figure, not the (months? of) ‘hard work’ by your team.

My calculation is that the number of jobs Nigeria needs to create each year to significantly reduce unemployment rate to sustainable levels in the next few years is at least 3 million, and not the 1.8 million by your team. We are talking about the Nigerian economy, please.
Your magic wand for mass housing is the Mortgage Refinance Corporation with 23,000 mortgage offers—for a country with 17 million housing deficit! Then, there is the pedestrian proposal of a new development bank— financed with loans from the World Bank, etc? A World Bank loan to set up another ‘development bank’ where we already have Bank of Industry, Bank of Agriculture, NEXIM, Federal Mortgage Bank, etc? People have totally run out of ideas and can’t see anything for Nigeria without through the prism of the World Bank.

I will offer you free consultancy on how to set up a development bank without a World Bank loan but we don’t need another one now. I actually gave President Yar’adua a two page note for a N3 trillion development fund then, and if we plug your leaking pipes, it could actually be a N10 trillion Fund. I envisioned and set up the Africa Finance Corporation (AFC)—Africa’s premier infrastructure bank!

Frankly, I don’t understand why you seem highly troubled that the Soludo you thought had “disappeared from the political space” seems to be still around. Well, let me assure you that I will only ‘disappear’ in God’s own time. I gave credit to two past presidents who laid the foundation of the market economy we operate today. You did not contest or contradict any of my points. Rather, what you see is that Soludo must be ‘looking for a position’. Pity! If I am looking for a position, I would be running around one of the candidates now just as you are busy dancing Atilogwu dance at TAN and PDP rallies, struggling to keep your job. How Yar’adua drafted me to contest for governor in Anambra and APGA leadership as well and how I was “stopped” on both occasions are in the public domain.

But I am not deterred for one minute. Chinua Achebe said that on leadership, Nigeria is a country that goes for a football match with its 10th Eleven. I am proud and happy to have offered to serve my people, and for the service of Nigeria, I will do it again and again. How many times did Abraham Lincoln, Obama, Reagan, etc contest before they got there? I actually encourage everyone who believes he/she has something to offer to get involved or stop complaining. I am happy seeing the increasing critical mass of professionals (like you) now getting involved. It is good for Nigeria!
What is at stake is the survival and prosperity of Nigeria. Next elections are critical, and for me the key is the ECONOMY. We must offer Nigerians clarity on the choices before them. Can I propose a three-way debate with you (representing PDP/Federal Government), nominee of APC (Utomi or Fayemi? or any other), and myself (as independent citizen— I don’t belong to any of the two). Let us have two bouts of debate between now and 12thFebruary, 2015 focusing on: CBN/AMCON and the financial system (if you want); our economy and its outlook, and agenda/alternative paths to sustainable prosperity post elections. Choose the dates and times, and for the sake of Nigeria, I will fly in. You can invite any of your international media friends as moderators.

I feel the pain of the 180 million Nigerians whose tomorrow you have carelessly rendered bleak, and when I think of what the missing trillions could do for them, it becomes extremely urgent that we all must deepen the debate. Eagerly waiting for your response, please!

Charles Soludo is a former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria