Monday, February 02, 2015

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and the Missing Trillions (Episode 1) – Chukwuma Charles Soludo


I read some of the responses to my article, “Buhari vs Jonathan: Beyond the Election”, and I want to thank everyone who has contributed to the debate. I am glad that the debate has finally taken off. I have decided, for the record, to re-enter the debate if only to set some records straight and hopefully elevate the debate further. 

Whom do I respond to? First, let me thank Gov Kayode Fayemi for his very mature and professional response on behalf of the APC. It forms a great basis for deepening the conversation. Pat Utomi, Oby Ezekwesili, Iyabo Obasanjo, and thousands of other patriotic Nigerians have raised the content of the debate. Femi Fani-Kayode made me laugh, as usual. The Gov. Jang faction of the Governors’ Forum played the usual politics, although I know what most of them think privately. Who else? Oh, Peter Obi. Well, since he can’t write and designated Valentine as usual to write for him (who never disputed the NBS statistics that Obi broke world record in the pauperization of Anambra people but instead focused on lies and abuses) I won’t dignify him with a response here. His third class performance in Anambra will be the subject of a comprehensive article later.
Here, I will focus on Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s response (as Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy—CME and hence on behalf of the Federal Government).

Since I have known her, out of deep respect, I have never called her by her name: I call her Madam. I must state that I have great pains seeing myself on the opposite side of the table with Madam, in this way. I respect you, Madam, and will always do.  If you read my article of September 2010 (before you became Minister), the tone and elucidation were as strong as the current one. It is my honest effort to ensure that our choice of leaders is based on rigorous scrutiny of what is on offer.  Part of my frustration is that five years after, everything I warned about has come to happen and we are conducting our campaigns as if we are not in crisis. As a concerned Nigerian, I have a duty to speak out again. Regrettably, you have taken it very personal.
I am not bothered about the personal abuses: I actually expected worse. What name has the government not called President Obasanjo or any person who has dared to disagree with it of late? Anyone who disagrees with the government must either be ‘insane’ or have a ‘character’ deficiency or must be ‘looking for a job’ or ‘without honour’, or a ‘charlatan’. Yesterday, Sanusi alleged that $20 billion was missing and he was accused of gross financial mismanagement, recklessness and poor governance to the point of being the first governor of central bank to be suspended from office.

Today, he is the good one; and for daring to award an “F” grade for our economic performance, Soludo has become the ‘worst’ and ‘without character’ or perhaps ‘looking for position’ (Lol!). Some days ago, a former president was called ‘a motor park tout’ and ‘un-statesmanly’ just for disagreeing.  This “how dare you criticise us” mind-set of the government is dangerous for our democracy.

In this Part One of my planned three part series, I will restrict it to the main issues you raised. I will not bother about the malicious attacks on my person. For me, it is nothing personal. In early 2011, I had a similar heated exchange with then Finance Minister Segun Aganga. But when the Nigerian economy was at stake and he invited me to a stakeholders meeting in his office (as Minister of Trade and Investment) to discuss Nigeria’s response to the ruinous EU- Economic Partnership for Africa (EPA), I flew into Nigeria for that (at my expense)— the first and only time I have been to any government office to discuss policy since I left office. It is about Nigeria. I will, as expected, remind people like you of the salient aspects of my record of public service in response to your charge; challenge your claim to debt relief, and your reason for not saving; highlight your forgery of economic statistics and the lies in your response; but most importantly re-focus our attention to the historic mismanagement of our economy which you carefully avoided.

I will show that while you are introducing austerity measures and soon to immiserate the citizens, our public finance is haemorrhaging to the point that estimated over N30 trillion is missing or stolen or unaccounted for, or simply mismanaged— under your watch! We can’t go on like this, and I am convinced that an alternative future is possible. Can we have a public debate on this alternative future? The issues at stake are too grave to be trivialized through name calling. As I write, the naira exchange rate to the dollar is at N215 (from N158 a few months ago) and unless oil price recovers, this is just the beginning.  For the sake of Nigeria, I won’t keep quiet anymore!

READ: Buhari vs Jonathan; Beyond The Election – Chukwuma Charles Soludo

Let me start with Madam’s rather comical, wild judgment on my tenure of office which I believe to be totally false and baseless. I apologise upfront that in the process of making a ‘personal defence’, it is difficult to avoid a rather uncomfortable emphasis on “I”. I did not want that but since Madam has dragged us this low, I have little choice but to do so in the next few paragraphs—just to keep the record straight!

In my view, there are three criteria for evaluating a public officer’s stewardship: the evaluation by his employer; the satisfaction of the public he served; and the hard facts of performance. As I will show on these three counts, I am convinced that I left a world record of public service, and a thousand Okonjo-Iwealas cannot re-write that history. I served Nigeria under two presidents (Obasanjo and Yar’Adua) and as my immediate bosses, below are their written testimonials of my record.

Said President Obasanjo (December 2004):

“Charles Soludo is a true Nigerian. He is the sort of Nigerian that we all know we can rely on. Among his numerous virtues is COURAGE. I have found in him a man who can take tough and realistic decisions, stand his ground, educate others on the salience of his decision, and work very hard to ensure that the decision is efficiently and effectively implemented. His dedication to duty is first rate. His leadership qualities are admirable and his willingness to listen and learn is simply infectious. Professor Soludo has within a short time emerged as one of the leading lights of our nation. Not because he has a godfather but by sheer hard work, loyalty, dedication to duty, commitment to the nation, creativity, and undiluted association with the reform agenda….”

President Yar’Adua (May 2009) had the following to say about the Central Bank of Nigeria under my leadership:

“… the CBN has performed creditably well in delivering on its core mandates. This is especially even more so in the last five years. Most people would agree that without the successful banking consolidation and effective management of our foreign reserves, the current global crisis would have shaken the financial system and our national economy to their foundations with calamitous consequences”.

In the President’s special letter of commendation after the completion of my tenure of office, President Yar’Adua (June 2009) had the following to say to me:
“As your tenure as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria comes to a glorious end, I write on behalf of the Government and people of Nigeria to place on record our debt of gratitude to you for your dedicated service and uncommon sense of duty over the past five years.

I am confident that your worthy antecedents in the CBN and in prior appointments in the service of our nation remain sources of inspiration to an entire generation. As I wish you even more astounding successes in the years ahead, it is my fervent hope that you will readily avail us of your distinguished service when the need arises in the future”.

To the best of my knowledge, President Obasanjo has not changed those views even after ten years. The views of my two bosses, not the emotional outburst of an angry person desperate to get even, are what count.

How did Nigerians evaluate my public service? Unfortunately, we do not have scientific opinion polls on job approval ratings for individual public officers. But if the public opinions of individuals and organized groups (labour, employers, depositors, borrowers, stakeholders of the financial institutions, newspaper editorials, investors, etc) as expressed in thousands of newspaper/magazine clips during and after my tenure are anything to go by, then 82% of the public largely agree with the sentiments expressed by my two bosses. Your views belong to the other 18% which is okay, after all, no one is perfect. Five Nigerian newspapers and magazines simultaneously named us “man of the year” in one year— unprecedented in Nigeria’s history.

I do not talk about hundreds of awards and recognitions by various segments of our society (during and even after service) for “excellent public service”. I was particularly touched by the historic award by the staff union of the Central Bank and the tears in the eyes of many as thousands of the staff gave me a standing ovation as I walked the aisle after my brief farewell speech.

Certainly, the international community (investors, bankers, scholars, donors, media, etc) took serious notice of the revolution in Nigeria’s monetary and financial system. I am recipient of five international awards as global and African central bank governor of the year, not to mention dozens of other recognitions (even after leaving office). The London Financial Times described us as “a great reformer”. Even as the global economic and financial crisis raged in 2008, the United Nations General Assembly appointed me to serve on the Commission of Experts to reform the international monetary and financial system.

You don’t appoint someone who has ‘mismanaged’ his national financial system to reform the global system. For 8 years until 2012, I served on the chief economist advisory council (CEAC) of the World Bank, and together with two Nobel Prize winners in economics and other experts we met periodically and advised two presidents and two chief economists of the World Bank, and in 2011, I served on the External Advisory Group of the IMF. 

Again, these are not positions for ‘mis-managers’. Since I left office, I have been advising countries and central banks; and there is hardly any two months I don’t consult/advise on banking/financial and monetary policy. I have given these illustrations to make the point that for every one Okonjo-Iweala’s attempt to rewrite history, there are thousands who disagree.

Now, to some skeletal facts of our stewardship! I will be brief as I have a whole book to tell my story. As chief economic adviser, I had advised that our banking system could not support the private sector-led economy envisioned under NEEDS. When I assumed office at CBN, I inherited 89 rickety, mostly family banks (all of which put together were not up to the size of number four bank in South Africa). Many were insolvent, with depositors’ money trapped, and 20 more about to collapse. To get a credit of $300 million probably required all the banks to syndicate it. For me, there was a national emergency.

I drafted a 13-point reform agenda, discussed and agreed all the specifics with the President, and his VP; as well as my management team at the CBN, and we swung into action. President Obasanjo promised 100% support and actually delivered 1000%— which was decisive. I apologize to you Madam because I did not brief or inform you about it. We just wanted to keep it confidential given the sensitivity of the announcement. It is on record that you never supported it.

It was both a revolution and a war and most people thought it was “impossible”, but thank God we succeeded. For the first time in Nigeria’s history a policy of that magnitude was announced and deadline kept with precision.  We were courageous to revoke the licenses of 14 banks, including those of my friends, in one day. The FT-Banker concluded that the scale, precision, and cost of the transformation were unprecedented in the world. Before then, Malaysia had the least cost of banking consolidation at 5% of Malaysian GDP. It did not cost Nigerian taxpayers one penny. Twenty-five new, stronger banks emerged but the powerful idea behind consolidation ignited something even more powerful—‘the race to the top’. Banks raised more capital, and even banks like First Bank, Zenith, GTB, etc that did not merge with others went on capital raising several times.

The consequence was higher levels of capitalization and within two years, 14 Nigerian banks were in the top 1000 banks in the world and two in the top 300 (no Nigerian bank was in the top 1000 before I came). Even after I left office, still 9 banks were in the top 1000. Our vision was to have a Nigerian bank in the top 100 banks within 10 years.

As I see the new Access bank; Zenith, GTB, Fidelity, Diamond, UBA, FBN, FCMB, Skye, Stanbic IBTC, Union, Ecobank, etc, I cannot but feel that we have taken giant steps forward.
Deposits and credit soared (from barely N1.2 trillion to over N7 trillion); new technologies (ATM and e-banking) boomed, and banks had 57,000 new jobs; mega businesses emerged (ask any major operator in the Nigerian economy their experience with banking and credit before and after Soludo —the Dangotes, Arik, MM2, oil and gas operators; etc); capital market boomed and dominated by the banking sector.

It was a new dawn for Nigerian private sector. I have heard Dangote twice say that he would not be near as big as he is today without the banking consolidation. Many other stakeholders still say it today. FDI and portfolio inflows flooded into Nigeria. The world celebrated, and one single transformative idea has changed the face of the private sector and economy forever.  Banks became Nigeria’s first transnational corporations with about 37 branches outside of Nigeria.

Nigeria survived the global crisis because of this, and it is the banking sector that has largely been powering the economic growth you claim (compare banks trillions of naira credit for investments in the productive sector with your government’s miserable expenditure on critical infrastructure and investment; much of your borrowing – bonds – is from the banks). Your privatization of power sector, several PPP projects on infrastructure, etc, are now possible because of the mega banks.

Today, Nigerian banks syndicate multi-billion dollar loans— unthinkable before. Madam, if the consolidation was ‘mismanaged’, there would not have been any bank to start with in the aftermath of the global crisis— as President Yar’adua correctly pointed out. Even you, during a recent presentation at the Banquet Hall in Abuja advertised consolidation as a historic achievement.

How can you recognize a ‘mis-managed’ project as an outstanding achievement? As we say in Igbo, you can’t cover the moon with your palms.
Let me be clear: the quantum size of the new banks following consolidation presented challenges of risk management and supervision. We deployed all we had and overworked the CBN staff. The carry-over of bad loans from the consolidated banks was quickly cleaned up. To the best of my knowledge, we instituted stringent regulatory and supervisory regime (consistent with best practices at the time). We even had resident examiners in the banks and required bank MDs to personally sign their reports to CBN.

I recall that the former MD of GTB complained of “regulatory intrusiveness”. To our credit, non-performing loans (NPL) came down from 22% in 2003 and 2004 to 6% as at 2008. Anywhere in the world, a central bank that brought NPL from 22% to 6% over a four year period does not look like one with a loose supervisory regime. Name other developing countries that performed better, Madam. So, on point of fact, Madam lied. Yours was a reckless assertion without basis by a Finance Minister.

The banks in Nigeria were supervised by the CBN and NDIC, but other institutions— international firms which audited them, international rating agencies which also examined their books, capital market operators since most were listed companies — all had oversight. I put on record that there was never any information/report of infractions by any bank which was brought to my attention and which we did not act upon decisively during my tenure. I heard the comment that some of the bank MDs were my friends.

Well, my response is that perhaps as CME you should kill all your friends operating in the economy or become their enemies. For the record, my successor audited all the banks and none of my so-called friends was indicted. It speaks volumes. Indeed, it is also a fact that the alleged personal criminal infractions (including lapses in corporate governance Madam alluded to) by some bank CEOs were found out, only AFTER they had been removed from office. My successor told me that the comprehensive audit of the banks did not reveal such infractions. Of course, you must be God or have a special tip-off from inside to get to such information while the MDs are in office. Unfortunately, all over the world, no financial system has succeeded in routing out all criminal behaviours by the operators. So, Madam, I challenge you to provide one shred of evidence that ‘there was no separation between regulators and regulated’ or be honourable enough to retract your reckless statement.

What happened? The unanticipated and unprecedented crisis of 2008/09 hit the world. More than 40 US and European banks either collapsed or were shaken badly (remember the Lehman Brothers, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, Wachovia, HSBC, Lloyds TSB, Citibank, Goldman Sachs, even UBS, etc) and hundreds of billions of dollars were spent to bail them out. The contagion effects spread like a wild fire, destroying national stock markets and banks.

The nascent (big) banks in Nigeria faced sudden multiple shocks— liquidity, exchange rate, oil price, capital market, etc. As oil prices collapsed, loans to oil and gas became non-performing overnight; loans to the capital market became non-performing overnight; etc.  Our first priority was to save the entire banking system and the economy from systemic collapse. I assured Nigerians that no bank would be allowed to fail, and not many people know what it took to achieve it. Once we had navigated through the unexpected /unprecedented turbulence, we laid out a comprehensive plan to clean up the debris which we presented to stakeholders in Lagos (March 2009). I had pleaded with the Senate to pass the AMCON bill which we sent to them in 2004. But I had a comprehensive plan to finish the clean-up with or without AMCON by the end of 2009, including second round consolidation and a N500 billion fund (my book will detail all these). I left behind an 11-volume document of the Financial System Strategy 2020 (FSS2020) which has remained the policy roadmap for the CBN/financial sector since I left office.

I have two analogies for our experience. Ours was really like an airplane that was cruising and suddenly meets an unexpected and unprecedented turbulence. After the pilots and the crew succeed in navigating through the potential crash and probably land the airplane, people look in and start blaming the crew for the broken tea cups, chairs, and drinks that fell during the turbulence as evidence that the crew never kept the airplane clean or serviced it. My second analogy is that of a sudden earthquake in a region it was never expected and some houses collapsed. All of a sudden, the housing authority is to blame for not requiring earthquake-proof foundations for the houses. Well, my legal experts call it force majeure, an act of nature!
To be fair, after every crisis, there are lessons (and my book will detail what, with benefit of that experience, we should have done differently). Risk management— which has always been there— now took a new centre stage all over the world following the crisis. But for anyone to suggest that CBN under me, for one minute, took its eyes off the ball is, to say the least, ludicrous. The US financial system literally crippled the world costing America hundreds of billions of dollars but no one has suggested that Alan Greenspan is no longer the great maestro!

AMCON is a big topic (which I will address at a later date) but her claims show either ignorance or mischief. She claims that N5.7 trillion of AMCON funds was used to rescue banks and the ‘bond issued’ as ‘cost to taxpayers’. Really? I will deal with the AMCON I envisaged and the AMCON under you later but let me state that even if 100% of the banks’ NPL was offloaded on AMCON, it would not be up to N5.7 trillion. Enough said for now. The fact is that the Federal Government has not put a penny in the AMCON fund: the banking system is financing itself, and together with the sinking fund by banks, AMCON surely can’t default (thanks to consolidation that the banks are now big enough to cough out such funds to solve the system’s problem). Did you intend to deceive the readers by refusing to tell them that much of the AMCON fund is ‘investment’ and not ‘expense’. Am sure you heard the IMF’s alarm about moral hazard? If you want, we can have a focused debate on AMCON.
Next, let me briefly respond to a few outlandish claims. She brags about ‘single-digit’ inflation rate ‘now’ and alleges that when I left office, inflation was above 13%. I just laughed at this one. In Nigeria’s history, no governor of the Central Bank has delivered 24 consecutive months of single digit inflation as I did until the advent of the unprecedented global crisis in 2008. It was not for nothing that the world cheered us as monetary policy czar, Madam! Perhaps you are also not aware that we broke a world record by having a depreciated real effective exchange rate during a time of export boom and this was at the heart of our reserve accumulation and the portfolio/FDI inflows. I resisted the IMF advice to deplete reserves for liquidity management, and Nigeria had enough self-insurance to survive the global crisis.  The opposite has happened under you Madam, and the Nigerian economy is in trouble. Naira exchange rate appreciated under me from N133 to N117 before the global crisis; and reserves grew to all time high of $62 billion. For the first time since 1986, the official, interbank and parallel market exchange rates converged under me. You can’t match these records!
READ: Buhari vs Jonathan; Beyond The Election – Chukwuma Charles Soludo
I hereby challenge your attempt to blame others for not saving for the rainy day. It is not a virtue when you are quick to appropriate all the credit when things are going well, but shift the blame when they go wrong. You blame the state governors— who, according to you, have taken the Federal Government to the Supreme Court—not that a Supreme Court judgment forced your hands. For your information, the governors have never agreed to savings and always threatened court action even under Obasanjo. Why did we save under Obasanjo but not under Jonathan? Two keywords explain it: leadership and integrity.  Governor Amaechi said the governors insisted on sharing the funds because they found out that you were illegally fiddling with the savings.  So, as Nigerians still wonder, if billions of dollars are now ‘missing’ under your nose, why should governors trust you to keep their money?  Do the states that have taken the federal government to the Supreme Court and refused to save also include the PDP governors—who are in the majority? If so, then it is fatal: even governors of your own party, PDP, do not trust you to keep their money! Furthermore, did the governors also stop the Federal Government from saving part of its share? If you ran a surplus budget at the Federal level, you would have had credibility to blame others or to say they did not listen to your advice. The key point is that since you were running huge deficits yourself, it was also in your own interest to share the ECA. You did not show leadership or credibility, full stop!
Next, Madam, I was really embarrassed for you to read that one of the reasons for declining forex reserves is ‘oil theft’. Under you as Minister of Finance and coordinator of the economy, the basket of our national treasury is leaking profusely from all sides. Just a few illustrations! First, you admit that ‘oil theft’ has reduced oil output from the average 2.3 – 2.4 million barrels per day (mpd) to 1.95mpd (meaning that at least 350,000 to 450,000 barrels per day are being ‘stolen’. On the average of 400,000 per day and the oil prices over the past four years, it comes to about $60 billion ‘stolen’ in just four years. In today’s exchange rate, that is about N12.6 trillion. This is at a time of cessation of crisis in the Niger Delta and amnesty programme. Can you tell Nigerians how much the amnesty programme costs, and also the annual cost for ‘protecting’ the pipelines and security of oil wells? And the ‘thieves’ are spirits? Come on, Madam!
Second, my earlier article stated that the minimum forex reserves should have been at least $90 billion by now and you did not challenge it. Rather it is about $30 billion, meaning that gross mismanagement has denied the country some $60 billion or another N12.6 trillion.

Now add the ‘missing’ $20 billion from the NNPC. You promised a forensic audit report ‘soon’, and more than a year later the Report itself is still ‘missing’. This is over N4 trillion, and we don’t know how much more has ‘missed’ since Sanusi cried out. How many trillions of naira were paid for oil subsidy (unappropriated?).  How many trillions (in actual fact) have been ‘lost’ through customs duty waivers over the last four years? As coordinator of the economy, can you tell Nigerians why the price of automotive gas oil (AGO), popularly called diesel,  has still not come down despite the crash in global crude oil prices, and how much is being appropriated by friends in the process?  Be honest: do you really know (as coordinator and minister of finance) how many trillions of Naira, self- financing government agencies earn and spend? I have a long list but let me wait for now. I do not want to talk about other ‘black pots’ that impinge on national security.  My estimate, Madam, is that probably more than N30 trillion has either been stolen or lost or unaccounted for or simply mismanaged under your watchful eyes in the past four years. Since you claim to be in charge, Nigerians are right to ask you to account. Think about what this amount could mean for the 112 million poor Nigerians or for our schools, hospitals, roads, etc. Soon, you will start asking the citizens to pay this or that tax, while some faceless “thieves” were pocketing over $40 million per day from oil alone.
You alluded to debt relief in your response and tried to take credit. Well, your CV is honest enough to admit that your two achievements in office as Finance minister under Obasanjo were that “you led the Nigerian team that struck a deal with the Paris Club” and that you “introduced the practice of publishing each state’s monthly financial allocation in the newspapers”. You are right about the two achievements. Let me put on record that Nigeria would have secured debt relief under anyone as Minister of Finance. President Obasanjo secured debt relief for Nigeria. Much of his first term was used to get Nigeria back into the international community and to campaign for debt relief. Before you were sworn in as Minister of Finance, President Bush visited Nigeria and both of us accompanied President Obasanjo during the meeting. There, Mr. Bush promised to support Nigeria with debt relief and asked our president to ensure that he met the conditions of the Paris Club. Obasanjo mobilized the global political support and coordinated all of us to ensure that the government met the check-list of ‘conditionalities’ as required.  I spent five weeks in the hotel with my team (as coordinator/chairman for drafting the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy, NEEDS).
Some of the reform targets in NEEDS became the ‘conditionalities’ Nigeria was required to fulfil to merit debt relief. You and I signed the various MoU with the IMF on behalf of Nigeria (the policy support instrument). We had a great team at work and each member of the economic team had specific aspects of the conditionalities to deliver: Bode Agusto was in-charge of the budget; Oby Ezekwesili held sway at Bureau of Public Procurement and later Minister of Solid Mineral, and Education (but specifically tasked with delivering on EITI and procurement reforms); Nuhu Ribadu was at the EFCC fighting corruption; I was at the Central Bank delivering on monetary policy and banking reforms; Steve Oronsaye worked hard to delist Nigeria from the FATF; Nenadi Usman was in-charge of the parastatals; El-Rufai held forth at FCT and in charge of public sector reforms; privatization programme went on, etc. Did you know that the IMF wrote President Obasanjo threatening that there would be no debt relief if the CBN did not meet some monetary targets, and do you know the magic we performed to meet them? Can you tell Nigerians which of the ‘conditionalities’ that you personally implemented? With the groundswell of political support and Nigeria meeting all the ‘conditionalities’, debt relief was assured.
Your major role as stated in your CV was to lead the team to negotiate the specific terms of the relief, having fulfilled the conditions. I still believe that Nigeria should have gotten far better terms than you negotiated. Of course, with your eyes on returning to the World Bank after office, I did not expect you to boldly stand up to the donor community in defence of Nigeria. Was there a conflict of interest on your part?
By the way, can you tell Nigerians why you were eased out as Finance Minister and you cried like a baby begging OBJ to still allow you remain in the Economic Management team—- barely few weeks after the debt relief? Why were you eventually also removed from the economic management team if you were so important?  Ironically, President Jonathan has recycled you, with a bigger title and greater responsibilities. But the difference is that the team that did the actual work is no longer there, and the world has seen that the king is naked.
You are brilliant Madam, but you need serious help. Having spent all your life in the World Bank bureaucracy largely in administration/operations, no one will blame you if your economics has become a bit rusty. There are firebrand Nigerians all over the world to draft to service. It is certainly embarrassing to Nigeria for you to be bothering World Bank economists to help you with most basic economic analysis.
Your response on the poverty issue is deeply troubling. You accuse me of using “2011 statistics on poverty by the NBS to support his argument, while ignoring more recent figures”. At least you did not refute the NBS figure as valid. In the next sentence, Madam went ahead to note that “as stated in the Nigeria Economic Report 2014 by the World Bank, poverty in Nigeria has dropped from 35.2 percent of population in 2010/2011 to 33.1 percent in 2012/2013”. Did you notice that you have quoted two figures for poverty for the same year as being equally correct? So, for 2011, was poverty 71% (according to NBS) or 35% according to the World Bank? To the best of my knowledge, the last published household survey by NBS was in 2011. The World Bank does not conduct household surveys in member states to determine poverty incidence. So, when and by whom was the survey that gave the World Bank figures?
What worries me is that this government is the first in our history to attempt to manipulate our national statistics under Okonjo-Iweala. When NBS published the poverty figures in 2011, she felt indicted and incensed. She called upon the World Bank to come and examine the ‘methodology’ and get NBS to ‘review’ its numbers. Oby Ezekwesili (as VP Africa Region rejected the call to try to tamper with a country’s statistics). Once Oby left, the ‘World Bank’ started talking about ‘new figures’, without conducting any new surveys. 

I was told about it by a World Bank economist, and I cautioned that it was a dangerous gamble that would damage the credibility of the NBS. If you want to ‘review methodology’, you conduct another survey but you can’t change ‘methodology’ because you don’t like the published figures. No government in our history has tried it: even Sani Abacha allowed a poverty survey that put poverty at 67% under his regime. At this rate, who will believe statistics coming from the Nigerian government again? Is it now the World Bank that sits in Washington and allocates poverty numbers to Nigeria? Something smells here!
Madam alleges that the NBS—as a parastatal under the National Planning Commission (under me) departed from the ‘international standard method of poverty measurement’. How and when, Madam? I was in office at National Planning for 11 months from July 2003 to May 2004. A poverty survey was conducted in 2004 and the results computed and published in 2005/2006— more than a year after I had gone to the Central Bank. Or perhaps, it was a clever way to divert attention from your manipulation of published economic statistics.

The NBS published its poverty data in 2006 when you were Minister of Finance, and you did not question the ‘methodology’ because the figures looked good. In 2011, the poverty numbers (using the same methodology as in 2005/2006) indicted the government and suddenly, the ‘methodology’ is wrong. Interesting times!
Now that you decide which economic statistics published by NBS to accept and which ones to ‘change the methodology’ to give favourable figures, you can keep feeding your manipulated figures to your international media circus for the vain glorious awards to sustain an empty hype, while Nigerians groan under hardship. We can actually ask Nigerians whether they are getting better off now contrary to your bogus figures.
Many of Madam’s responses were comical, but this one is classic. According to her, the chief economic adviser and NBS “worked hard to determine how many jobs we need to create in a year”, and went on to ask, “why didn’t Soludo do this when he was CEA?” (Lol!). Madam, any good economist needs less than 10 minutes to compute this figure, not the (months? of) ‘hard work’ by your team.

My calculation is that the number of jobs Nigeria needs to create each year to significantly reduce unemployment rate to sustainable levels in the next few years is at least 3 million, and not the 1.8 million by your team. We are talking about the Nigerian economy, please.
Your magic wand for mass housing is the Mortgage Refinance Corporation with 23,000 mortgage offers—for a country with 17 million housing deficit! Then, there is the pedestrian proposal of a new development bank— financed with loans from the World Bank, etc? A World Bank loan to set up another ‘development bank’ where we already have Bank of Industry, Bank of Agriculture, NEXIM, Federal Mortgage Bank, etc? People have totally run out of ideas and can’t see anything for Nigeria without through the prism of the World Bank.

I will offer you free consultancy on how to set up a development bank without a World Bank loan but we don’t need another one now. I actually gave President Yar’adua a two page note for a N3 trillion development fund then, and if we plug your leaking pipes, it could actually be a N10 trillion Fund. I envisioned and set up the Africa Finance Corporation (AFC)—Africa’s premier infrastructure bank!

Frankly, I don’t understand why you seem highly troubled that the Soludo you thought had “disappeared from the political space” seems to be still around. Well, let me assure you that I will only ‘disappear’ in God’s own time. I gave credit to two past presidents who laid the foundation of the market economy we operate today. You did not contest or contradict any of my points. Rather, what you see is that Soludo must be ‘looking for a position’. Pity! If I am looking for a position, I would be running around one of the candidates now just as you are busy dancing Atilogwu dance at TAN and PDP rallies, struggling to keep your job. How Yar’adua drafted me to contest for governor in Anambra and APGA leadership as well and how I was “stopped” on both occasions are in the public domain.

But I am not deterred for one minute. Chinua Achebe said that on leadership, Nigeria is a country that goes for a football match with its 10th Eleven. I am proud and happy to have offered to serve my people, and for the service of Nigeria, I will do it again and again. How many times did Abraham Lincoln, Obama, Reagan, etc contest before they got there? I actually encourage everyone who believes he/she has something to offer to get involved or stop complaining. I am happy seeing the increasing critical mass of professionals (like you) now getting involved. It is good for Nigeria!
What is at stake is the survival and prosperity of Nigeria. Next elections are critical, and for me the key is the ECONOMY. We must offer Nigerians clarity on the choices before them. Can I propose a three-way debate with you (representing PDP/Federal Government), nominee of APC (Utomi or Fayemi? or any other), and myself (as independent citizen— I don’t belong to any of the two). Let us have two bouts of debate between now and 12thFebruary, 2015 focusing on: CBN/AMCON and the financial system (if you want); our economy and its outlook, and agenda/alternative paths to sustainable prosperity post elections. Choose the dates and times, and for the sake of Nigeria, I will fly in. You can invite any of your international media friends as moderators.

I feel the pain of the 180 million Nigerians whose tomorrow you have carelessly rendered bleak, and when I think of what the missing trillions could do for them, it becomes extremely urgent that we all must deepen the debate. Eagerly waiting for your response, please!

Charles Soludo is a former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria

Friday, January 30, 2015

MUST READ: When Corruption Fights Back

We regularly get the sense that corruption parades in mask, sleek as oil, hiding under the cover of darkness. Indeed, it does but not all the time. Sometimes, corruption feeds so fat it gets amazing confidence and breaks out of its mask, daring anyone to come confront it.
From my recent public service experience in Nigeria, this is exactly the picture I get with the pension fund administration. Buffeted by corruption, the pension fund administration had over time become a source of national shame and embarrassment. When finally it appeared that Nigerian government had mustered the strategy and liver to deal a fatal blow on this menace through the task force I headed, the unexpected happened.
In case you are not particularly familiar with what the task force was all about, let me make a brief review. Arising from the ugly situation at the pension administration sector, the President, Goodluck Jonathan directed the then Head of Service of the Federation to inaugurate the Pension Reform Task Force and appointed me to head the team. Our team reviewed the situation and decided to make a comprehensive review of process, structure, organogram and workflow in handling pension claims. As part of this restructuring we introduced the E-Pension Management System platform by which verification of claimants was through the smart card.
In no time, and through these processes, the veil of confusion and bottlenecks by which corruption gained ascendancy over the pension fund was removed and transparency, speed, service delivery set in. The Task Force, discovered that the pension nominal roll both at the Head of Service and Nigeria Police Force were unconscionably padded. The system we put in place identified and eliminated over 73,000 ghost/fake pensioners from the nominal roll.
This immediately translated into saving a whopping N4.2 billion of public fund each month from only one agency, the Office of the Head of Service. My team members and I were in high spirits. We were determined to make a difference and to prove to the world that Nigerians cherished a core social value system that abhorred corruption.
Pensioners would rather under the system we created be in the comfort of their homes and receive bank credit advisories on their monthly statutory entitlements. For most pensioners who had experienced the gross inhumanity of the previous order, it was for them like a dream. In two years of our running the system, several of the suspects that had been illegally feeding fat on the pension fund were unmasked by my led Team. Cash and properties valued at over N1.63 trillion were recovered and forfeited to the government. It was amid the public celebration of this seemingly uncommon feat by my team working with the two Anti-Graft Agencies, that the unexpected happened.
In what seemed to be a curious alliance between the pension fund thieving suspects and some legislators, the Senate Committee chairman on Establishment tried to access some of the recovered funds for his private use, and when he met a determined and uncompromising Teams, decided to accuse my team and I of pension fund diversion. The Committee then set off in what looked like dribble run, and effectively shut down the work of the task force. Chairman of that Senate Committee, Senator Aloysius Etuk, threw caution to the winds, made wild and unsubstantiated accusations against my person and fell short of publicly exonerating the thieves involved. It was for me curious and hardly believable that a legislator would unabashedly create such extensive cover and defence for proven criminals who had turned Nigeria into a laughing stock.
In a particularly disturbing incident, on a day Etuk’s Committee summoned me, I noted that while my team was being treated with utmost hostility, the same criminals from whom nearly N2 trillion in cash and properties had been recovered were being treated like Arabian Princes inside the Senator’s office. Thereafter, it struck me that corruption was truly fighting back, using the institutions of the State. Days afterward, the extent of how desperately these ignoble forces wanted to get rid of me dawned on me when repeated assassination attempts were made on my life. Perhaps to give me the full picture of the dread they wanted me to feel, the individuals that shot at my car were actually wearing uniforms similar to the Police uniform.
In essence, they were signalling to me the scope of their reach and control within the system. If this was not scary enough, what followed with the thieving suspects at the law courts were not only depressing but outrageous. The recent episode involving one John Yakubu Yusuf, a former assistant director convicted in case involving fraud of N32 billion and sentenced to two years in prison with an option to pay a fine of N250,000, is a case in point.
So, if as we occasionally muster the courage to confront corruption in Nigeria, and witness these kinds of setbacks or fight backs, what are Nigerians expected to do? On this particular instance, members of the public, the media and civil society showed outrage and demanded a sanction on the trial judge.
A sanction did come when the National Judicial Council suspended the judge. In essence, irrespective of the manner in which corruption and its agents threaten and roar to frighten and intimidate society, irrespective of the reach and scope of their tentacles into institutions of state, corruption can always be defeated when the media, civil society and members of the public show vigilance, able to rise like one man in a dedicated crusade to push back on the forays and aggressive incursions of the corrupt.
Sadly, we have not been able to reclaim our ground over the pension fund sector because when the forces of corruption roared against the pension task force, we seemed suddenly to lose our voice. They succeeded in grounding the task force, creating a lull that was targeted at pushing back the frontiers of our progress, moving the public attention out of their activities in order for them to fully reenergize for further rounds of damage to society. Essentially, if we must make a mark in the direction of a sustained fight against corruption, we must learn to not only be vigilant at all times but to also know when to rise up in defence of our territory. The Task team had advised Government during the 23rd October 2012 National Economic Team meeting which was chaired by the president of our intention to block more leakages in Government and estimated to recover about N3trillion in one year, but corruption started fighting us right at the meeting, thanks to the intervention of the president who advised that the Team be allowed to speak. The sad situation our pensioners are experiencing now is the result of our collective failure to see through the thin lines and our urge for blood at the site of a newspaper headline without understanding the diversionary tactics of corruption itself.
Maina, former of the federal government’s now dissolved Pension Reform Task Team, wrote from Abuja

Boko Haram: Don’t commit suicide, VP Namadi Sambo tells Buhari

Vice-President Namadi Sambo on Thursday advised the APC presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, against committing suicide by planning to personally lead the war against Boko Haram terrorists, if elected president.
Mr. Sambo gave the advice at the PDP Presidential Rally in Yola, Adamawa.
The vide president said his advice was against the backdrop of the advice given to Mr. Buhari by his presidential running mate to personally lead the war against Boko Haram if elected President in next month’s presidential election.
Mr. Sambo urged Mr. Buhari to ignore the advice from the APC vice presidential candidate, adding that any attempt by Mr. Buhari to lead such a war would amount to “suicide mission” in view of his age.
According to him, the APC should allow President Jonathan to continue to adopt ”a more scientific and modern” warfare in tackling the menace of the Boko Haram insurgency.
“I want to seize this opportunity to draw our attention to a publication, last week, credited to the vice-presidential candidate of the APC that their plan is to ask their presidential candidate, retired Maj-Gen. Buhari, to lead the war against Boko Haram.
“I want to ask you a question, a retired 73-year-old General – can he run? No!
“Okay, let’s assume that he can run; how many metres can he run before he falls? The training of a General that retired in 1985 is it the same training that can address a modern war? No!
“Now we are fighting war with drones, with new ideas that our President, a PhD holder, a scientist that is using (his knowledge) to address the security issues of this country.”
The vice-president urged the electorate to support President Goodluck Jonathan, saying Mr. Jonathan was the answer to the nation’s security challenge and the answer to its development.He described the paln as a suicidal proposal, asking “will he (Buhari) go with a suicidal proposal?”
Mr. Sambo reassured that the PDP-led administration would continue to do its best in addressing the nation’s security challenges across the country.
On the developmental efforts of administration, Mr. Sambo said that the President had earmarked funds for the completion of two hydro-power dams in Adamawa.
“I want to give you this good news that Mr President has approved the development and completion of Kiri Dam and Jada Dam.
“All these Dams will be provided with hydro-electricity power and an irrigation scheme, with which we are developing economic corridors in Adamawa state.
“In addition to that, in the transport sector, I have good news for you. Mr President has approved the dredging of River Benue. Very soon, we will have a river port and ships and boats from different parts of the world will be here in Yola.’’
Mr. Sambo then urged the electorate in the state to ensure that they obtain their PVCs to enable them to vote for President Goodluck Jonathan and all other PDP candidates in the Feb. 14 and 28 general elections.
In his remarks, a chieftain of the PDP and a former Minister, Jubril Aminu, said Adamawa people had resolved to vote for Jonathan/Sambo ticket as well as other PDP candidates in the state during the February elections.
(NAN)

Thursday, January 29, 2015

COMMENT: The four-times African Footballer of the Year has looked out of sorts at the Afcon, unhappy with his team's tactics as his former boss openly touts a move to Inter

By Brian Oliver in Malabo

Eight minutes before the end of Cote d'Ivoire's 1-0 win against Cameroon on Wednesday Yaya Toure was taken off. It was the second time in three games that the supposed talisman of African football was replaced.

Yaya, who won the Confederation of African Football's Footballer of the Year award for a fourth straight year just before the Africa Cup of Nations started, has not looked happy in Equatorial Guinea. He mumbled his way through a press conference before Cote d'Ivoire's first game, a disappointing 1-1 draw with Guinea, and has not faced the press since, despite being captain.

He brushed past reporters after the Cameroon match saying only "there's no problem, there's no problem", before boarding the team bus. He had needed treatment after a firm challenge by Stephane Mbia but will be fit to face Algeria in the quarter-finals on Sunday.

He is clearly not enjoying his role as a deep-lying midfielder, while his former boss at Manchester City, Roberto Mancini, is publicly discussing taking him to Inter.

The contrast with his elder brother, Kolo, could not be more noticeable. The Liverpool man has been a straight-backed, commanding presence who has clearly enjoyed his football. Kolo has been talkative, positive, confident and arguably the best defender of the tournament.

Yaya, on the other hand, has trudged off, shoulders slumped. He has worked hard, taken a few knocks, but has not yet controlled a game as he does for City.

On the day of the Cameroon game the Manchester Evening News carried the headline 'Man City need to plan future without Yaya Toure'.

In Italy, Il Giornale published an interview with Yaya's former manager, Robert Mancini, in which the Inter boss said: "He's one of the best players in the world, he can still have his say. He played for many teams, in many leagues like Belgium, Spain, Russia, England. He only lacks Italy, this may be a good chance for him. We're working on it. You know, there are some players who can change a team and Yaya is one of them. Next year we may try."

Perhaps the transfer talk is bugging him. City reportedly harbour a lingering resentment over his behaviour last season, and have identified the likes of Paul Pogba and Ross Barkley as potential replacements.

Perhaps he is distracted by thoughts of missing Chelsea vs Manchester City on Saturday. Maybe he is simply not satisfied with his form or his role.
Herve Renard, the Cote d'Ivoire coach, talked about Yaya's positioning ahead of the Cameroon match.

"Ivory Coast are not Manchester City," he said. "The potential of the player is not the same.

"Manchester City have so many top-level players to defend, to build play very well, and Yaya can play further forward, behind the front two. It's different for us. We do not have Fernandinho.

"We have to ask Yaya to do a different job, to play further back. But he is a professional, he will do as I ask. I explain what I want and he does it.

"Besides, he is very comfortable with this position, as he used to play there earlier in his career, especially at Barcelona."

There was more of the same after the win that took Cote d'Ivoire through. This time, in response to questions about Cote d'Ivoire's unadventurous performance, Renard said: "We are not Germany. We cannot attack all the time".

The statistics show just how restrained Yaya has been. In 258 minutes on the pitch he has had one shot at goal, and that was not on target.  His passing has not been great, either – 27 of 140 attempts have gone astray.

Renard demanded more from Yaya after an "average" opening game. He helped to create Max Gradel's equaliser against Mali in the second match, but Yaya was forced back again against Cameroon, as part of a successful defensive operation that denied the opposition a single attempt at goal. 

Meanwhile Kolo has been talking about how much he enjoys guiding the new young defenders through a game, speaking of the strong spirit and confidence of a team in transition after the World Cup.

Before the tournament, Yaya said: "I have been lucky enough to win many trophies during my career but the Cup of Nations has always been my goal as an African."

If he is going to win it this year, he needs to put his troubles behind him – whatever they are.

Source: Goal.com

Woman accuses Lebanese couple of torture

A woman, Mrs. Grace Okpara, has reported to the police that she was allegedly tortured by her bosses, who are Lebanon nationals.

Our correspondent gathered that Grace worked as a cleaner at a logistics company in Ibafo, Ogun State, where the Lebanese couple ─ Joseph and Hala Yasbek ─ were members of the management.

It was learnt that on Wednesday, January 14, Grace, who claimed she was dragged on the ground by her bosses during an argument, reported the matter at the Ibafo Police Division.

Speaking with PUNCH Metro, 37-year-old Grace who hails from Ishan, Edo State, said she was assaulted for alleged dereliction of duty.

She said, “I work as a cleaner at the Lebanese company, and I earn N20,000 as salary. The incident happened on January 14 at about 11.30am. We were three working as cleaners in the company.

“That day, Hala said I did not clean the premises very well, but as I tried to explain, she kicked me and I fell. Minutes later when the husband showed up, I reported Hala to him, but he also slapped me.

“I fell ill after the incident and went to the hospital for treatment. I was treated at a private hospital in Ibafo. I was discharged on Thursday and then went to report to the police. The fee for my treatment was paid by the police at Ibafo.”

Grace’s husband, Uzoma, said they had also reported the matter to the National Human Rights Commission.

He said, “My wife has spent four years and two months at the company. She started with N15,000 and her salary grew to N20,000 over four years. The assault my wife suffered is part of the inhuman treatments by bosses at the company.

“We reported to the police and the NHRC so that they could look into this matter. My wife was assaulted at work. This is not proper.”

When our correspondent visited the company on Tuesday, the security personnel refused him access to speak with the management.

However, the Yasbeks, who have been invited by the police, said in their statement that the allegation of torture was not true.

The couple explained that it was Grace that attempted to beat Hala, while the husband, Joseph, tried to protect his wife during the scuffle.

The Ogun State Police Public Relations Officer, DSP Muyiwa Adejobi, confirmed the incident. He added that the police were making efforts on mediation.

He said, “The two Lebanese were invited, and we have asked them to come back with officials of the company. The Lebanese husband explained that it was the complainant who wanted to hit his wife, and he had to block her (Grace) by pushing her away.

“The fact is that the two parties had been having conflicts for some time.

“It is not a matter of assault alone. We are trying to mediate between them.

“But if the woman feels she had been so badly maltreated, the police can charge the matter to court.”


Source: Punch

Monday, January 26, 2015

Jonathan Speaks on His Meeting with US Secretary of State, John Kerry

It was a pleasure to welcome Secretary John Kerry to Nigeria. We had a candid and constructive discussion about a broad range of issues.

Nigeria is a vibrant democracy and the largest trading partner of the United States in Africa, with more than $18 billion in bilateral trade. Our countries and peoples share a mutual admiration for each other and a deep commitment to freedom, democracy, and human rights.

This is why we are together engaged in a struggle against a common enemy that promotes terror, fear, division, and violates human rights, most especially of women and girls, with complete impunity. Winning the fight against Boko Haram in Nigeria and West Africa is absolutely essential to beat back the tide of religious extremism around the world.

Our security forces have been working tirelessly and courageously to achieve this goal. I reaffirmed for Secretary Kerry that Nigeria is strongly committed to building the multinational task force to fight Boko Haram in partnership with Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Benin Republic under the auspices of the Lake Chad Basin Commission. Indeed, I called publicly for such a regional approach at the African leaders summit in Paris in May 2014 and more recently in multilateral meetings.

We are pleased that the international community is now strongly united behind this initiative and agree that its success is critical. It is equally important that the multinational force receives the significant support that is required to address the threat through our global partners.

The United States, more than any other country in the world, has the most experience fighting armed insurgencies. And having suffered the devastating attacks of 9/11, its people also understand the insecurity and fear that is the reality for the vast majority of peaceful, tolerant Muslims and Christians in North Eastern Nigeria.

This is why I firmly believe that enhancing and expanding various channels of cooperation between our two countries, in the context of growing international coordination, are of the utmost importance. I discussed a number of ideas with Secretary Kerry to move such cooperation forward.

We are grateful to the United States for standing with Nigeria and its people in our fight against Boko Haram. I reaffirmed our strong commitment to working together with the United States to put an end to global terrorism and particularly Boko Haram. Nigeria will also work to deepen and consolidate our bilateral relationship with the United States.

I emphasized to Secretary Kerry that I am deeply committed to ensuring that our forthcoming election is free, fair, and credible. It is especially critical that all political parties abide by the Abuja Accord, which commits each to non-violence before, during, and after the election.

I made it absolutely clear that the May 29th handover date is sacrosanct. In addition, the Government will provide all resources that are required by the Independent National Electoral Commission to ensure that the election goes smoothly. I also emphasized that INEC is an independent body, which makes its own decisions without any interference from the Government.

Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR

President

Federal Republic of Nigeria

Sunday, January 25, 2015

Jindal headlines all-day prayer rally in Baton Rouge

BATON ROUGE, La. (AP) — Gov. Bobby Jindal told Christian evangelicals gathered at an all-day prayer rally Saturday that the nation needs a "spiritual revival," as he continued to court religious conservatives for a possible presidential campaign.

The rally attracted thousands to the basketball arena on LSU's campus but drew controversy both because of the group hosting it, the American Family Association, and Jindal's well-advertised headlining appearance.

Holding his Bible, the two-term Republican governor opened the event by urging a revival to "begin right here, right here in our hearts." Later Saturday afternoon, he described his conversion to Christianity as a teenager.

While people sang, raised their hands in prayer and gave their personal testimonies inside the arena, hundreds more protested the event outside early in the day.

Jindal insisted the rally was a religious event, not a political one — even as participants prayed for religion to guide political decision-making.

"Today is about humbling ourselves before the Lord. Today we repent for our sins," he said. Later Jindal told attendees: "We can't just elect a candidate to fix our country ... We need a spiritual revival to fix our country."

Former Texas Gov. Rick Perry headlined a similar prayer event in 2011 only days before launching his White House bid.

And the event comes as Jindal has held meetings with pastors in the key presidential campaign states of Iowa and New Hampshire and spoken at gatherings of faith leaders and conservative activists in several states, trying to gain traction among a crowded field of potential candidates in the hunt for the 2016 GOP nomination.

Several state lawmakers and local elected officials appeared on stage for the rally. State Sen. Jonathan Perry, R-Kaplan, prayed for "more born-again Christians" to be added to the Louisiana Legislature.

The governor's appearance at the prayer rally kept him from the Iowa Freedom Summit, a more prominent event with social conservatives that attracted several potential GOP presidential contenders.

Outside the prayer event, critics held a protest, saying the American Family Association, which the Southern Poverty Law Center has classified as a hate group, promotes discrimination against people who are gay or of non-Christian faiths.

Protesters accused Jindal of using the rally for political gain.

"I just knew this wasn't what LSU stands for. These aren't LSU values, Louisiana values or American values," said Peter Jenkins, a 26-year-old graduate student and protest organizer.

Jindal hasn't commented directly on the views of the American Family Association, which has linked same-sex marriage and abortion to disasters such as tornadoes and Hurricane Katrina.

The governor was raised by Hindu parents but converted to Catholicism in high school. He has described himself as an "evangelical Catholic."

Saturday's prayer rally, however, wasn't embraced by local Catholic leaders.

Catholic leaders participated in an anti-abortion march on LSU's campus that featured a speech from Jindal. But when the marchers merged into the prayer rally, the Catholic organizations weren't following them, said Robert Tasman, executive director of the Louisiana Conference of Catholic Bishops.

"The event was viewed more as an evangelical event with a political tone to it, and the bishops don't participate in such events," he said.

Source: AP

Thursday, January 22, 2015

Nigeria Security Adviser, Dasuki, wants February election postponed

President Goodluck Jonathan’s National Security Adviser, Sambo Dasuki, has called for the February 2015 election to be postponed to allow more time for the distribution of voter cards, a call that has drawn a forceful rejection by the opposition All Progressives Congress, APC.
Mr. Dasuki made the call Thursday in London, UK. He said the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, needs more time to ensure all qualified Nigerians receive cards for the vote.
The NSA said he told the chairman of INEC, Attahiru Jega, that a postponement within the three months allowed by the Electoral Act would be a good idea, Reuters news agency reported Thursday.
Mr. Dasuki, who was speaking at London think-tank Chatham House, said INEC had distributed 30 million cards in 2014, with another 30 million left.
He said while INEC had assured him the distribution would be completed for the February polls, he believed it would be more meaningful to allow more time for a successful election.
“It costs you nothing, it’s still within the law,” Mr. Dasuki said he had told the INEC chairman, Reuters reported.
The NSA said it was for INEC to decide.
The APC has rejected the proposal, saying Mr. Dasuki was merely speaking the mind of the Jonathan administration which the party said is on the verge of being defeated, and requires more time to prepare.
The party said under no circumstance must the elections be scuttled.
Read APC statement below:
The All Progressives Congress (APC) has rejected the call by the National Security Adviser, Col. Sambo Dasuki, for the postponement of next month’s general elections ostensibly to give INEC more time to distribute all Permanent Voters Cards (PVCs), warning that under no circumstance must the elections be scuttled.
In a statement issued in Abuja on Thursday by its National Publicity Secretary, Lai Mohammed, the party said the call by Mr. Dasuki, has exposed the hitherto clandestine plot by the Jonathan Administration to push for the postponement of the polls, using all sorts of cheap tricks.
”Now that we have found the smoking gun, we are urging the international community, in particular, to urgently extract a commitment from President Goodluck Jonathan that the elections will hold as scheduled next month, and that he would respect the outcome, just as we have said,” it said.
APC said Mr. Dasuki was only seeking to buy time for the slugging Jonathan electioneering campaign to gather steam by hinging his postponement call on the delay in PVC distribution, adding: “They know for sure that if they don’t postpone the elections, there is no way they can win. They are just terrified.”
The party also called on Nigerians to reject in its entirety the ongoing orchestrated plot by the Jonathan Administration to postpone the elections, saying the constitutional crisis that will be triggered by such postponement is capable of undermining the nation’s democracy.
”After realizing it will be rejected by Nigerians who have borne the brunt of its mis-governance over the years, after realizing that its campaign of calumny against our presidential candidate has failed, the Jonathan Administration has now started to play its last card, which is the postponement of the election,” it said.
APC said the importance of elections cannot be over-emphasized, adding: “Election is the lifeblood of democracy, the mechanism by which modern representative democracy operates. It is the only way for the citizenry to renew and refresh the governing process so they can get the most benefits out of democracy. Therefore, anyone that tries to sabotage this mechanism is aiming a dagger straight to the heart of democracy.”
The party accused the Jonathan Administration of using all the tricks in the books to scuttle the forthcoming polls, including the plot to hide under the insurgency in the North-east, the needless controversy over the secondary school leaving certificate of our presidential candidate, the concocted report by the DSS alleging a plan to hack into INEC’s database and the fabricated report of Muhammadu Buhari’s ill-health.
”They tried to hide under terrorist attacks in the North-east and the fact that Nigeria is at war to shift the elections, this did not fly. They used the DSS to invade our Data Centre and then concoct the allegation that we are planning to hack into INEC’s Data Base, it did not fly as INEC said its Data Base cannot be hacked. They launched an aggressive campaign to convince Nigerians that our presidential candidate is not qualified to run because he has no secondary school
leaving certificate, but that also did not fly, as the certified results of his Cambridge examination have now been published for all to see.
”They went and procured a fake report showing our candidate is suffering from prostate cancer, hence he is not fit for the high office of President, but their antics were discovered when the health
institution that purportedly issued the report disowned it.
”Now they have launched their last set of jokers, which include hiring willing hands to make the television rounds saying there is no way the elections could hold next month, ostensibly because INEC is not ready, even when the electoral umpire has said it is ready to conduct the polls.
”There are also alleged plans to stage-manage some high profile cases of violence and arson, for which the opposition will be blamed and then its leaders arrested in droves, all in an effort to scuttle the polls. For those who find these hard to believe, we ask them to look at the sheer madness of a state governor placing a newspaper advert wishing our presidential candidate dead! The possible repercussions of this kind of provocative act are better imagined, had our party not been a peaceful party.
”In view of the above, we have decided to take our case to Nigerians and indeed the global community, so they can prevail on President Jonathan to allow the elections to hold as scheduled and to make a commitment to respect the outcome,” it said.
APC said never before has there been so much desperation on the part of any government to remain in office at all costs, even when it is clear for all to see that that government has run out of luck.
The party however called the attention of the President and his party hawks to a quote by the preeminent Indian leader Mahatma Ghandi, hoping they will learn a lesson or two from it:: “Remember that all through history, there have been tyrants and murderers, and for a
time, they seem invincible. But in the end, they always fall. Always.”

Premium Times

Wednesday, January 21, 2015

Time to Disgrace the Self-Appointed Godfather of the South-West, By Femi Aribisala


 There is a harrowing story told by Adekoya Boladale, which needs to be brought to the attention of Nigerians, especially the people of the South-West. In the middle of the night of 4th January, 1984, heavily armed men of the Strike Force of the Nigerian army invaded the Lagos home of Chief Olu Awotesu, the Minister of State for Agriculture. This military operation had one design, to put the minister under arrest.

However, Chief Awotesu was not at home, having gone to his home-town in Iperu, Ogun State. On meeting his absence, the soldiers descended on his family. His wife was dragged from the bedroom upstairs through the staircase to the ground floor, where she was kicked and beaten by the men in khaki. Her assailants laughed at her while she screamed and begged for mercy.

The children were not spared either. They were also slapped and tortured in the bid to determine the precise whereabouts of their father. This ordeal apparently went on for over three hours. When Chief Awotesu returned from Iperu to Lagos and learnt that he was now a wanted man, he drove straight to Dodan Barracks, then the seat of government in Nigeria, to give himself up.

He was not only arrested, he was detained without trial for nearly two years. It was while in detention that he learnt about the ordeal his family had been put through by men of the Special Forces. Chief Awotesu was only released in 1985, even though the government found no evidence of any crime against him.

South-West is not for sale

The man responsible for this injustice is Muhammadu Buhari. He is now running for president and wants our votes. Paradoxically, a number of the kinsmen of the late Chief Awotesu are now charged with selling his candidacy to us in the South-West; and yet Buhari himself has never found it necessary to apologise to us for the human rights violations his regime inflicted on us.

A unique opportunity was given to him by the institution of the Truth and Reconciliation panel under Justice Chukwudifu Oputa in 1999. However, Buhari showed his contempt for us by refusing to appear before the panel. Why then should people in the South-West give this same man their votes in 2015?

The fault is not Buhari’s. The fault is that of the traitors now charged with white-washing his image. These people are obviously contemptuous of their Yoruba kith and kin. They have told Buhari that all he needs is a bit of cosmetic surgery. He should change from wearing an agbada to wearing a suit. He should choose a Christian Yoruba pastor as his running mate, and even attend a thanksgiving service in Lagos where he pretends to sing Christian praise songs. He should then mouth a few inane words about “change” and “anti-corruption” and all will be forgotten.

Somebody is being fooled but it is not the Yorubas. It does not matter how many curious onlookers are paid to come to Buhari’s campaign rallies in the South-West; the Yorubas will ultimately not succumb to this hogwash. Buhari has been rejected in the South-West three times. He will be rejected yet again. Out of over 4.7 million votes cast in the six states of the South West in 2011, Buhari could only get 321,609. That is less than 7 percent. Nevertheless, some Yoruba bigwigs in the APC have gone ahead to strike a deal with Buhari on the grounds that they will deliver the South West to him in the coming election. It is not going to happen.

Charlatans

In the first place, who made these charlatans spokesmen for the South-West? Who mortgaged South-West Yoruba interests to the political ambitions of Bola Tinubu and his henchmen? As a matter of fact, the 2015 presidential election provides a unique opportunity for the people of the South-West to break off the political shackles of Bola Tinubu by rejecting his new-found ally of Muhammadu Buhari. If for no other reason than the refusal of the Yorubas to be sold into slavery, Buhari must be rejected outright in the South-West and the APC must be kicked out of Lagos State.

With all the noise currently being made about Buhari’s candidacy, one important point is often overlooked: Buhari is not even well-liked by his own people. A lot is made of the 12 million votes he obtained from the North in 2011, conveniently forgetting that Goodluck Jonathan also obtained a sizeable 8 million votes from the same North. Indeed, in 2011, Goodluck Jonathan won 428,392 votes in Buhari’s home-state of Katsina; to Buhari’s 1,163,919. That means Jonathan won 37% of the votes in Buhari’s backyard. Compare that to the situation in Jonathan’s home state of Bayelsa. Jonathan won 584,811 votes; while Buhari obtained a miserable 691 votes. That gives Buhari a measly 0.11% of Jonathan’s votes.

It is also instructive that in the primary election for the APC presidential candidate, Northern delagates did not vote for Buhari. Instead, they gave their votes to Kano State governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso and former vice-president Atiku Abubakar. Delegates from Buhari’s North-West voted for Kwankwaso, while those from the North-East voted for Atiku. Buhari’s delegate votes came primarily from the South-West, as well as from the South-East and the South-South. However, in 2011, out of over 38 million votes cast in the entire country, Buhari could only obtain 391,933 from the entire South-West, South-East and the South-South put together; that is 1.03% of the votes.

In short, Buhari was imposed on the North as the APC presidential candidate by delegates controlled by Tinubu. It was out of gratitude for this that Buhari gave Tinubu the sole responsibility for choosing his vice-presidential running-mate. Tinubu’s first instinct, of course, was to reserve the vice-presidency for himself. But the political pressures against a Muslim/Muslim APC ticket, led him to concede it to his political surrogate, Professor Yemi Osinbajo.

Buhari’s crimes

It is contemptuous of Tinubu and his Yoruba acolytes in APC to presume that they can deliver the South-West to Buhari in the 2015 presidential election, in spite of Buhari’s antecedents. Of all the people they could form an alliance with, Buhari is by far the least acceptable to the Yorubas. In over 30 years of being a fixture of Nigerian politics, Buhari has been decidedly and unapologetically anti-Yorubas and anti-South-West. It is a matter of public record that Buhari has never done anything for us. On the contrary; he has done so many things against us.

When he assumed power in 1984, he established a 16 member Supreme Military Council (SMC) to rule the country. In spite of the fact that the Yorubas are the largest ethnic group in the country; larger according to every statistical index than the Hausas and the Fulanis; Buhari could only find room for one solitary token Yoruba man: Brigadier Ola Oni. Buhari’s SMC had 11 Northerners to 5 Southerners.

Buhari locked up South-West politicians like Bisi Onabanjo and Michael Ajasin even though no case was found against them. Even after they were discharged and acquitted by the kangaroo courts he set up, he still kept them locked up and refused to release them. He pressured a judge to jail Fela Anikulapo Kuti for failing to declare foreign –exchange he had legitimately procured for the up-keep of his band on a foreign trip, while allowing the Emir of Gwandu to smuggle back into the country 53 suitcases during the currency-change exercise.

He did not just brutalise Chief Awotesu and his family. He did the same to Tai Solarin, who was denied medication for his asthmatic condition while in Buhari’s gulag; Ayo Oyewumi, who became blind in Buhari’s detention; and Busari Adelakun, who died of chronic ulcer, complications developed in Buhari’s jail. Buhari even seized Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s passport for no just cause, and thereby denied the old man visits to his doctors at Mayo Clinic, Rochester Minnesota, USA during the years when he ruled Nigeria.

He frustrated Lagos’ attempt to build a metro-rail system and, as PTF chairman, he discriminated blatantly against the South-West. It is pathetic that, rather than insist he should apologise for these and other infractions, the Yoruba politicians that have decided to pitch their tent with Buhari are now trying to pull the wool over our eyes by trying to give him a cosmetic political makeover. It is just not going to wash.

Tinubu’s agenda

The question needs to be asked: what is in it for Bola Tinubu and his henchmen? Don’t buy the hype. While Muhammadu Buhari and the APC lieutenants are busy making suitable noises about fighting corruption at the federal level, the godfather of Lagos State is busy trying to replicate at the federal level structures similar to the ones he has used to milk Lagos State dry.

Running for the PDP ticket for governor of Lagos State, Musiliu Obanikoro noted that the cost of governance in Lagos State has gone up astronomically: “because every business transaction must factor the emperor of Bourdillon into it. That has become a burden on our families. Lagos belongs to all of us, we are going to put an end to an era where Lagos belongs to one man.”

This godfather has yet to occupy a federal position, yet his holdings are in the tens of billions because he has the finances of Lagos State in his pocket. He is now gunning to replicate this at the federal level by proclaiming himself the presidential kingmaker. To do this, he intends to enslave the Yorubas to a North-West cabal that insists it is its divine right to rule Nigeria.

Quite apart from the fact that the godfather himself is deluded in thinking that Buhari will be a docile Fashola replica as president; or in assuming that those clamoring for power in the North will have any consideration for him once they use him as a ladder to get to power; he is equally deluded in thinking the Yorubas are fools who will readily mortgage their future in order to install Bola Tinubu as the godfather of Nigeria.

About Femi Aribisala
FEMI ARIBISALA is a scholar and international affairs expert. He is currently an iconoclastic church pastor in Lagos. He is also a syndicated essayist for a handful publications in Nigeria.

Nigeria’s Army of Psychopaths

By TOLU OGUNLESI
JANUARY 20, 2015
LAGOS, Nigeria — Here in Nigeria’s commercial hub, it is tempting to regard Boko Haram, the Islamist terrorist group that for more than five years has waged war in the country’s far northeast, as a distant tragedy. We are, of course, aware of the fallout: the thousands of deaths, the hundreds of thousands of displaced persons, the destroyed infrastructure — schools, churches, mosques, homes, police stations — that will take years, and millions of dollars, to rebuild. But in southern Nigeria, it is easy to feel removed from the crisis.

The reality, though, is that the insurgency’s impact ripples out across the country. A visit last year to a popular fabric market in Abeokuta, a city about 60 miles north of Lagos, brought this home to me.

I was there to interview the merchants about their work. When we talked about the challenges they faced, I expected the usual: electricity, taxation, access to credit. So I was surprised when one woman mentioned Boko Haram. A number of her customers lived in northern Nigeria and had stopped placing orders since the insurgency began.

The trade links between north and south are even more apparent in agriculture. Much of Nigeria’s food comes from the troubled region. Potiskum, a city that the jihadist militants have attacked on several occasions in recent years, killing dozens, is one of the largest cattle markets in West Africa. Chibok, the village from which hundreds of girls were abducted last April, is a village of farmers, growing grain that goes to market across the country.

I spoke with the father of one of the missing girls last year, a few months after the abductions. Like many farmers in the area, he was too scared to go out in the fields to plant anything, and the season was almost over. Not only would he be unable to feed his remaining family, but there would also be nothing to sell.

For Nigerians, the economy is an ever-present concern: The country often seems at the mercy of cyclical oil prices, currency devaluations and budget deficits. But Boko Haram’s campaign of terror has emerged as the single most important issue facing Nigeria.

What is unfamiliar and hard to adjust to is the sort of threat to the nation that Boko Haram represents. Nigeria is no stranger to instability: Our history is rife with communal clashes and civil unrest, with casualty figures unimaginable in America. In the late 1960s, the country was torn apart by a civil war over the secession of the Biafra region that resulted in the deaths of more than a million people.

But no crisis in recent history has matched that created by the insurgency in the north. The cumulative death toll now exceeds 11,000. Boko Haram’s stated aim is to create an Islamic caliphate, but it shows little impulse toward establishing its legitimacy as an alternative government. The reports of a massacre this month in Baga, and satellite images of wholesale destruction in nearby Doro Gowon, affirm the fact that Nigeria is facing an army of psychopaths masquerading as Islamic proselytizers — and the only reasonable response should be military force.

Instead, the government keeps stumbling from one disaster to another, leaving most of us mystified about why the insurgency has been so horribly mishandled. After the Chibok girls were kidnapped, it took President Goodluck Jonathan three weeks to address the nation, and months went by before he met with their families.

The international community, too, has grown impatient. The United States government has refused to sell arms to Nigeria, not trusting either the competence or human rights record of the military. When a Nigerian plane, laden with $9.3 million in cash, was detained in South Africa last September, the government was forced to admit that it was trying to purchase weapons on the black market. Soon after, a triumphant declaration of a cease-fire with Boko Haram turned out to be a hoax; senior government officials had been hoodwinked.

The fiascos continue. The Baga massacre was greeted with silence from the president, while the military played down the number of casualties. Instead, Mr. Jonathan condemned the terrorist attacks in Paris, and we were treated to media photos of the wedding of the president’s niece, which took place on the weekend the news about Baga broke.

With about a month to go until the general election, such missteps have come to define Mr. Jonathan’s government. The opposition has accused him of corruption, pointing to the country’s ballooning (but seemingly ineffective) security budget.

At an election rally in southwestern Nigeria earlier this month, I heard an opposition politician tell the crowd that the only way to ensure the safety of their children was to vote for Muhammadu Buhari. General Buhari, a 72-year-old retired army officer who ruled Nigeria 30 years ago, is the best placed to win of the candidates challenging Mr. Jonathan.

His All Progressives Congress party promotes an ambitious program to create jobs, tackle corruption, provide free education and health care, and invest in infrastructure, but its plans have been short on detail. Yet, for many, the desire for change is stronger than the doubts about a civilian Buhari presidency.

In his campaigning, Mr. Jonathan vigorously rebuts the idea that he has underperformed or is too tolerant of corruption. But he has mostly avoided mentioning Boko Haram. Perhaps he has realized that by now his cache of platitudes — “Terrorism is a global problem,” “Nigeria is not alone in dealing with it,” “Nigeria will triumph” — sound hollow in a stump speech.

Nigerians need to take the decisive action that their president has failed to offer. My hope is that on Valentine’s Day, when the election takes place, Nigerians will remember the missing girls of Chibok, and the dead residents of Baga and the refugees of the north, and vote out a man who has demonstrated, beyond doubt, that he cannot inspire confidence as a commander in chief.

Tolu Ogunlesi is a journalist, poet and photographer, and the author of, most recently, the novella “Conquest and Conviviality.”

Source: nytimes.com

Tuesday, January 20, 2015

Sani Abacha didn't die of Apple - Al Mustapha Reveals

“When I got to the bedside of the Head of State, he was already gasping. Ordinarily, I could not just touch him. It was not allowed in our job. But under the situation on ground, I knelt close to him and shouted, “General Sani Abacha, Sir, please grant me permission to touch and carry you.” Contrary to insinuations, speculations and sad rumours initiated by some sections of the society, I maintain that the sudden collapse of the health system of the late Head of State started previous day (Sunday, 7th June, 1998) right from the Abuja International Airport immediately after one of the white security operatives or personnel who accompanied President Yasser Arafat of Palestine shook hands with him (General Abacha) I had noticed the change in the countenance of the late Commander-in-Chief and informed the Aide-de-Camp, Lt. Col. Abdallah, accordingly. He, however, advised that we keep a close watch on the Head of State.
Later in the evening of 8th June, 1998, around 6p.m; his doctor came around, administered an injection to stabilize him. He was advised to have a short rest. Happily, enough, by 9p.m; the Head of State was bouncing and receiving visitors until much later when General Jeremiah Timbut Useni, the then Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, came calling. He was fond of the Head of State. They were very good friends.

They stayed and chatted together till about 3.35a.m. A friend of the house was with me in my office and as he was bidding me farewell, he came back to inform me that the FCT Minister, General Useni was out of the Head of State’s Guest House within the Villa. I then decided to inform the ADC and other security boys that I would be on my way home to prepare for the early morning event at the International Conference Centre.
At about 5a.m; the security guards ran to my quarters to inform me that the Head of State was very unstable. At first, I thought it was a coup attempt. Immediately, I prepared myself fully for any eventuality.

As an intelligence officer and the Chief Security Officer to the Head of State for that matter, I devised a means of diverting the attention of the security boys from my escape route by asking my wife to continue chatting with them at the door – she was in the house while the boys were outside. From there, I got to the Guest House of the Head of State before them.

When I got to the bedside of the Head of State, he was already gasping. Ordinarily, I could not just touch him. It was not allowed in our job. But under the situation on ground, I knelt close to him and shouted, “General Sani Abacha, Sir, please grant me permission to touch and carry you.” I again knocked at the stool beside the bed and shouted in the same manner, yet he did not respond. I then realized there was a serious danger. I immediately called the Head of State’s personal physician, Dr. Wali, who arrived the place under eight minutes from his house.

He immediately gave Oga – General Abacha – two doses of injection, one at the heart and another close to his neck. This did not work apparently as the Head of State had turned very cold. He then told me that the Head of State was dead and nothing could be done after all.
I there and then asked the personal physician to remain with the dead body while I dashed home to be fully prepared for the problems that might arise from the incident. As soon as I informed my wife, she collapsed and burst into tears. I secured my house and then ran back.
At that point, the Aide-de-Camp had been contacted by me and we decided that great caution must be taken in handling the grave situation.
Again, I must reiterate that the issue of my Boss dying on top of women was a great lie just as the insinuation that General Sani Abacha ate and died of poisoned apples was equally a wicked lie. My question is: did Chief M.K.O Abiola die of poisoned apples or did he die on top of women? As I had stated at the Oputa Panel, their deaths were organized. Pure and simple!
It was at this point that I used our special communication gadgets to diplomatically invite the Service Chiefs, Military Governors and some few elements purportedly to a meeting with the Head of State by 9a.m. at the Council Chamber. That completed, I also decided to talk to some former leaders of the nation to inform them that General Sani Abacha would like to meet them by 9a.m.

Situation became charged however, when one of the Service Chiefs, Lieutenant General Ishaya Rizi Bamaiyi, who pretended to be with us, suggested he be made the new Head of State after we had quietly informed him of the death of General Sani Abacha. He even suggested we should allow him access to Chief Abiola. We smelt a rat and other heads of security agencies, on hearing this, advised I move Chief Abiola to a safer destination. I managed to do this in spite of the fact that I had been terribly overwhelmed with the crisis at hand.

But then, when some junior officers over-heard the suggestion of one of the Service Chiefs earlier mentioned, it was suggested to me that we should finish all the members of the Provisional Ruling Council and give the general public an excuse that there was a meeting of the PRC during which a shoot-out occurred between some members of the Provisional Ruling Council and the Body Guards to the Head of State
When I sensed that we would be contending with far more delicate issues than the one on ground, I talked to Generals Buba Marwa and Ibrahim Sabo who both promptly advised us – the junior officers – against any bloodshed. They advised we contact General Ibrahim Babangida (former Military President) who equally advised against any bloodshed but that we should support the most senior officer in the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) to be the new Head of State.

Since the words of our elders are words of wisdom, we agreed to support General Jeremiah Useni. Along the line, General Bamaiyi lampooned me saying, “Can’t you put two and two together to be four? Has it not occurred to you that General Useni who was the last man with the Head of State might have poisoned him, knowing full well that he was the most senior officer in the PRC?”
Naturally, I became furious with General Useni since General Abacha’s family had earlier on complained severally about the closeness of the two Generals; at that, a decision was taken to storm General Useni’s house with almost a battalion of soldiers to effect his arrest. Again, some heads of security units and agencies, including my wife, advised against the move.
The next most senior person and officer in government was General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who was then the Chief of Defence Staff. We rejected the other Service Chief, who, we believed, was too ambitious and destructive. We settled for General Abubakar and about six of us called him inside a room in the Head of State’s residence to break the news of the death of General Abacha to him.

As a General with vast experience, Abdulsalami Abubakar, humbly requested to see and pray for the soul of General Abacha which we allowed. Do we consider this a mistake? Because right there, he – Abubakar – went and sat on the seat of the late Head of State. Again, I was very furious. Like I said at the Oputa Panel, if caution was not applied, I would have gunned him down.

The revolution the boys were yearning for would have started right there. The assumption that we could not have succeeded in the revolution was a blatant lie. We were in full control of the State House and the Brigade of Guards. We had loyal troops in Keffi and in some other areas surrounding the seat of government – Abuja. But I allowed peace to reign because we believed it would create further crises in the country.

We followed the advice of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida and the wise counsel of some loyal senior officers and jointly agreed that General Abdulsalami Abubakar be installed Head of State, Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces immediately after the burial of General Sani Abacha in Kano. It is an irony of history that the same Service Chief who wanted to be Head of State through bloodshed, later instigated the new members of the Provisional Ruling Council against us and branded us killers, termites and all sorts of hopeless names. They planned, arranged our arrest, intimidation and subsequent jungle trial in 1998 and 1999. These, of course, led to our terrible condition in several prisons and places of confinement.

Source: Africa Telegram

Sunday, January 18, 2015

Secret Service: Shots fired outside Bidens' Delaware home

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Secret Service says multiple gunshots were fired from a vehicle near the Delaware home of Vice President Joe Biden on Saturday night.
The vice president and his wife were not at home at the time.

The Secret Service says the shots were fired at around 8:25 p.m. on a public road outside the secure perimeter near the home in Greenville, Delaware.

The shots were heard by Secret Service personnel. They say the vehicle drove past the home at a high rate of speed and fled the scene.

The incident is under investigation.

Biden's office says the vice president and his wife, Jill Biden, were later briefed on the incident.

Yahoo.com

Jimi Agbaje, PDP Governorship Candidate In Lagos, Floors Ambode, others At Debate












By Simon Ateba/Lagos‎
Jimi Agbaje, the influential, charismatic, intelligent ‎and respected candidate of the People’s Democratic Party in Lagos State, has floored Akinwunmi Ambode, the candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress, and others at a debate‎ to know who can better lead the state, those who monitored it say.
“By miles, Mr. Agbaje was the star of the debate,” said ‎one of Nigeria’s most in‎fluential online newspapers, Premium Times, whose team monitored the debate live in Lagos.‎
“He literally took other contestants to the cleaners with the masterful delivery, use of statistics and data from government and other international organisations,” the newspaper said.
Agbaje’s responses at the debate were so compelling that the audience was almost left speechless, the newspaper said.‎
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Friday, January 16, 2015

Despite huge resources, Nigeria lacks capacity to deal with Boko Haram – UK

The United Kingdom’s (UK) Foreign Office Minister Hugo Swire has said that despite the huge resources available to Nigeria, the country lacks the capacity to deal with terror group, Boko Haram. Swire spoke while addressing the British Parliament on what UK had done over the growing insurgency in the Northeast.

He said, “We have been stepping up to the crisis. We have approximately £250 million per year expended in Nigeria with other additional packages. With the wealth within Nigeria, they should have the capacity to handle these problems, but the reality is that they don’t. “That is why a lot of UK support programme is in building up these capacities, which they need through direct tactical training for Nigerian forces.

I agree they should have it; but currently, I do not agree they do. “UK aids goes to other organisations within Nigeria. Yes, we should continue to help, but like I said, you have to justify it. Aid is contentious issues. “We hope on giving aids government to government. But also, when we look at a country like Nigeria with its huge division of wealth between the North and the South, we think there is a role and in the British interest, to help build capacity and strengthen institutions within the country so that the nation can handle its issues itself; that we will continue to do whether the cameras are on us or off us.”

Despite huge resources, Nigeria lacks capacity to deal with Boko Haram – The United Kingdom’s (UK) Foreign Office Minister Hugo Swire has said that despite the huge resources available to Nigeria, the country lacks the capacity to deal with terror group, Boko Haram.

Swire spoke while addressing the British Parliament on what UK had done over the growing insurgency in the Northeast. He said, “We have been stepping up to the crisis. We have approximately £250 million per year expended in Nigeria with other additional packages. With the wealth within Nigeria, they should have the capacity to handle these problems, but the reality is that they don’t. “That is why a lot of UK support programme is in building up these capacities, which they need through direct tactical training for Nigerian forces. I agree they should have it; but currently, I do not agree they do. “UK aids goes to other organisations within Nigeria. Yes, we should continue to help, but like I said, you have to justify it. Aid is contentious issues. “We hope on giving aids government to government. But also, when we look at a country like Nigeria with its huge division of wealth between the North and the South, we think there is a role and in the British interest, to help build capacity and strengthen institutions within the country so that the nation can handle its issues itself; that we will continue to do whether the cameras are on us or off us.” Swire also reiterated that UK troops would not be coming to fight Boko Haram in the Northeast even if Nigeria would foot the bills, because of “grave human rights issues in the police and armed forces.” He said, “We would have liked to see a more robust attitude from the army and the military to what is going on in the Northeast, but it is a very complicated and extraordinarily difficult to actually find out what is going on. “We have heard some stories about people changing sides and equipment being ceased.

But it is absolutely certain that the Nigerian Army needs better training to combat the absolutely and incredibly violent terrorist organisation as Boko Haram. But this cannot be done overnight. “There are issues about equipment going on and about money not reaching the right places, but all these allegations I find untrue, unfortunately. That is why we have training teams in Nigeria and we are trying to build institutional capacity by building a better military. “There should be a regional solution. Some of these countries are on the borders with Nigeria and are affected already. Also, you cannot offer help if the country you are offering it to does not want it. We have to hear more from the Nigerian government as to how the international community can assist, particularly locally.”

Source: www.today.ng

Thursday, January 15, 2015

Humanity Against The Narcissists Of Death By Wole Soyinka

Our predicament is universal, and this is what we have stressed from the very beginning. The nature of religious zeal that would routinely maim, kill, or enslave the object of its proselytizing  – that sometime euphemism for brainwashing – rather than let it thrive and contribute to  humanity from within his or her limitations and uncertainties, from within its questions or skepticism, a mental cast that equates the mere absence of exhibitionist ardour or rigid conformism with impiety and apostasy, punishable by death or mutilation, is no different, in effect, from the tyrannical temper of the political dictator of any age.

Both can only grasp the substance of their being through an inverse reflection of themselves, that is, in the complete and evident submission of their citizens, their flock, their human charge, in every aspect of their lives, without questions, without the concession of a possible alternative order of social being to whatever ideology or religious absolutes that they choose to peddle. Total submission, laced with adulation, remains the driving goal of the authoritarian temper - never mind that it is covered in mufti, khaki or clerical regalia. The objective remains – Power over others! And if ever there was an unholy marriage entered into to plague human existence, it is the obscene wedlock of the theocratic and secular mandates of power. Its issue has always been guaranteed as enslavement, misery, death and destruction. It is this that represents the greatest threat to human freedom, and its creative will. This is the proposition that acutely confronts the African continent today, following upon centuries of enslavement, colonialism, and the mutated versions of both in her dealings with the rest of the world. No wonder then, that we feel compelled to ask ourselves: what were our people’s struggles for liberation about? True Liberation? Or re-enslavement?

Algeria has gone off the radar in recent times, but I must continue to stress this, especially on the continent: we would do well to keep our mind on that nation, not so long freed – and not even completely as yet – from a malady that is currently consuming other parts of our continent and the world.  In our own interest, for the survival of our humanistic values, we could do worse than keep that nation in our minds as a crucial cautionary template, so that we can begin to grasp the enormity of Boko Haram, al Shabab, al Queda and other active carriers of the same spore of human deformity. It is only at our peril that we forget that we have been here before, and elsewhere, that there is nothing new about the extremes to which the power urge can exert itself. For those who perhaps were not born during that prolonged internal struggle for a people’s total liberation – and I am not speaking of the brutal struggle against French settler colonialism – or who were miraculously shielded from its vicious and prolonged intensity, or whose education has stopped short of the chilling testimonies of its survivors, I recommend a sobering and thoroughly authenticated compilation by Professor Karima Bennoune with the title – Your Fatwa does not Apply Here.  All that is necessary is that we immerse ourselves in the tragedy of that nation to enable us to grasp the ruthless enterprise of terminal censors, the shadowy killers, the obsessed enemies of creativity, crippled minds whose notion of a divine mission is the eradication of all knowledge, and truncation of the reaches of the imagination.  Then we would cease to be surprised by the fate that nearly overcame, and still threatens our neighbour Mali, that ancient warehouse of Africa’s intellectual heritage whose capital, Timbuktu, became a household name even in the racially jaundiced histories of European scholars.

Perhaps it is time that we constructed Walls of Remembrance, on which we shall inscribe the ever lengthening roll-call of victims of this ongoing resurgence, and their place names, in order to give flesh and blood to statistical losses sustained to blind doctrine, victims young and old, extinguished before the full bloom of their creative powers. We are speaking of musicians, cineastes, writers, journalists, intellectuals, even the consumers of their products, condemned for daring to taste the forbidden fruit of knowledge.  My mind immediately goes to – among others – fellow authors like Tahar Djaout to whose posthumously published work, The Last  Summer of Unreason,  I had the honour of contributing a preface. The kind of monument I speak of is one that should occupy the centre of every state capital of the African continent and of the African Diaspora. For those who still believe in, or simply dream a resurrection of the pan-African idyll, such a project offers us a purpose, a propelling motivation towards a holistic self-recovery. It will serve to remind us that we are a people to whom tolerance is a norm, knowledge an eternal pursuit, and pluralism the foundation of our communal ethos. Such monuments will represent milestones of the human journey towards enlightenment, a shrine to the real martyrs of human civilization. They will restore meaning and dignity to that word  “martyrdom” that has become hideously corrupted, degraded and blasphemed against by those who wage war against infants, yet wallow in their own perverse conception of bravery and valour. Nor must we neglect those who survived their mindless onslaught, damaged yet intact, and undaunted – the Malalas of our world.

The wages of morbid narcissism in the extreme – or should I say ‘supreme’? - exercise of power remain the coveted prize for the self-appointed warriors of a new blood-thirsting godhead that has been extracted and distorted from the religion of islam. If this speaker had put Abubakar Shekau – or any of his multiple incarnations – on stage, you would only have granted him the grudging concession of a satirist, yet  Shekau remains real, deadly and ludicrous, a clown, yet a human obscenity. Those of you who watched him taunting Nigerian humanity and the world after the abduction of the Chibok girls will understand my evocation of the banality that is power. Not indifferent to, but clearly relishing the anguish of parents, family, and the trauma of victims, cavorting, rather like one of those advertising balloon marionettes you may have encountered in front of American gas stations, he gloated: We have your girls. We are going to sell them off as slaves, and there is nothing you can do about it”. Shekau felt that he had the entirety of the world in his palms to squeeze as the mood directed him. Shekau indeed, in those moments represented the solipsistic totality of power at its most banal. So did the solemn assemblage of the holy warriors in Northern Nigeria around a pit clotted with blood, as they interrogated a captured Nigerian soldier before slitting his throat, turning the chorus Allah Akbar into a parody of piety.

It is the same savoring of the trickle-down potion of power that sustains the hooded figure, allegedly straight from a humdrum life in faraway, sedate England, standing over a kneeling health volunteer or journalist before beginning his gory task. It is what nerved the commander of the killer squad in Peshawar to slaughter a hundred and thirty school children and gloat: I want you to feel the pain. It is not piety, but the seepage from the obscene communion of power that induced the massacre of twelve French protagonists of the freedom of expression and leveling of divine afflatus in the affairs of mankind - the Charlie Hebdo martyrs.  The narcissists of morbidity – these are the elite beneficiaries of the toxin of power and its pursuit. 

Let us learn to repudiate the language of  “Political Correctness” that attempts to dim the incandescent rage that is justly felt in us as response to assaults on our humanity, to pretend that history, or societal or state corruption justifies the invasion of a community of children, blowing them to bits, then hunting the rest down one by one as they cower under their desks. We are being programmed to understand and accept their fate, and the fate of their peers in Nigeria who are called out by name from their dormitories one by one in a sanctuary of learning to meet their end. Often, the analytical language of media pundits merely panders to, indeed encourages criminality, especially through misplaced emphasis.  Without actually intending to, it enfeebles moral outrage, nudges readers into accepting that the abduction of over two hundred school pupils in Nigeria, whose fate is to be turned into sex slaves, into suicide bomb conscripts, is a logical response to all kinds of governance criminalities and infelicities, or indeed the brutality of a military. We are being inducted into the credo that the serial slaughter of school children and their teachers across a widening swathe of Northern Nigeria is an understandable response to the decadence of western society across the globe, that the amputation of hands which clasped each other across the gender barrier in Somalia under al-Shabbab, the live burial of women to be stoned to death in Northern Mali under affiliates of al Queda, or the open decapitation of aid volunteers in overrun parts of Syria and Iraq, the execution of anti-polio workers, be it in Northern Nigeria or the Middle East are all “traceable” to association with the devilish west and its ways, and usury on the world markets. This is the language of appeasement, an indulgence that urges Africa to accept a renewed condition of enslavement – this time by religious overlords.

Appeasement is the diet of impunity. For those who seek explanations for the intolerable in the role of memory, in historical precedents, in distant causes and effects even from remote times – these are all legitimate zones of enquiry, and corrective action in the present becomes a social and political duty.  So does the whittling away of contradictions within society, thus cauterizing the breeding grounds for future recruits to the ranks of homicidal maniacs. Surely, by this present, we should have learnt to stop parroting the time-worn clichés of social disaffections as acceptable causative factors for the dehumanizing of our kind. It is time to confront the long persistent question of what truly fits, unsentimentally, into our definition of humanity. Definition by race, colour, gender or faith have ever been derogatory and untenable, contributing to the world’s current dilemma in furtherance of the agenda of power.  Our parameters must now transfer to social conduct, to the manifestation of blind attachment to creeds that contradict and dismiss our very aspirations as thinking, reflecting and expressing beings. If the world shies away from that task, we on the African continent, should take on that duty, and annunciate what, for us, constitutes basic humanity. From those whose acts place them outside of such a definition, we must withdraw recognition, protect ourselves and take the battle to all such outcasts.

Let me underline the foregoing in the specific language of a political precedent. Once, under a president who was considered somewhat intelligence challenged, the public in the United States evolved a short-cut mantra for bringing the reality of a national recession to his notice. That mantra was “It’s the economy, stupid”. The world is not stupid, but I have come to suspect that it often falls asleep, even falls comatose, and thus requires some kind of wake-up call, a bluntly heretical viewpoint to check the assigned primacy of economics as the material base of all social upheavals. What is required today is a balancing of the economic catechism through a saturation of vulnerable environments with variations of the complementary mantra that becomes a mental ticker-tape:  It’s the power drive, sucker”!

    After Baga, surely no one can be left in any doubt: the world is confronted with the narcissists of death.  Study the killers as they strike poses for the iconic photos before setting forth to earn their so-called martyrdom in a terminal, dastardly act. Watch Shekau of Boko Haram prancing about in his propaganda video as he taunts the world  – We have your girls. We are going to sell them into slavery. Share the testimonies of survivors as they grope for language to convey the cultivated swagger of these killers as they go from hut to hut on invading a  hapless village, where they massacre the men and herd the women before them for enslavement,  their studied posturing and comportment of self-adoration. The exploits of this breed bring to my mind the apocalyptic acronym of the policies of power blocs during the Cold War - M.A.D. – Mutual Assured Destruction, the doctrine of the balance of nuclear terror. At least that madness was mutual - our ongoing orgy of destruction is anything but mutual. It is arbitrary, dictated, one-sided, yet equally Doomsday determined. The narcissists of morbidity contemplate their images in troughs of blood as they slit throat after throat of their captives ululating with snatches of praise songs to their Almighty.

    The challenge is out, and it is couched in anything but the language of spirituality. It is humiliating, I know, but let us be sufficiently humble as to admit the truth: this is one scourge that laughs in our faces, mocks the comfort zone of the rational, the schematic, the contextual, even comparative habit of mind, defies probability theories and historical precedents. And what choice of responses do we imagine has been forced on us, the rest of humanity? The expression, I believe, is – damned if you do, and damned if you don’t.  This phenomenon understands only one language:

    Mobilize, or perish!

Wole SOYINKA

Excerpted  from recent Overseas Lectures on our common concern, for the BRING BACK OUR GIRLS Visitation, Jan 13, 2015

Jonathan in Maiduguri

President Goodluck Jonathan

President Goodluck Jonathan has paid a surprise visit to Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, where Boko Haram has its origin.

According to information available to ThisDay, his plane touched down at the Maiduguri Airport about an hour ago.

All efforts to get him to visit the state, especially in the aftermath of the kidnap of nearly 300 schoolgirls in Chibok by Boko Haram, had been abortive.

The presidency had cited security reasons.

Details later

ThisDay

Identity Thieves And The 2015 Election Peace Accord - Wole Soyinka

It was with high expectations that I went gone through details of the Abuja peace accord recently agreed by the political party leaders, mandating decent and civilized campaign conduct among the contestants, their agents and supporters.

I was not disappointed. It is a positive step in the direction of democracy, for which I must commend the efforts of those seasoned interventionists, Emeka Anyaoku and Kofi Annan. Adhered to with good will and sincerity, it should  ensure a wholesome space for future elections, and pre-empt further  violence. It might even come close to what the democratic ideal should be, as canvassed by others, including Governor Fashola a few years ago – a people’s fiests!

From personal interest however, I was disappointed that the communiqué makes no reference to the violence done to members of the electorate whose identities are stolen, abused and debased during this exercise. It is rapidly  becoming commonplace to encounter totally fictitious statements, even entire interviews published and attributed to unsuspecting authorship. This criminal proceeding has even involved the cloning of media mastheads to which non-existent interviews are then attached. To render it in local parlance, this is political 419, and of the most despicable brand.

While it would be unjust to place direct responsibility on the contestants, one must stress that they also have a moral responsibility to denounce these dirty tricksters in the strongest terms, even in their own interest.  The resentment inspired in victims of such cowardly conduct cannot but impact on their own political image. The media must also protect itself by taking necessary measures against such unprincipled confusionists. It is the democratic right of every citizen to know exactly who is saying what on issues that affect their political choices.

Let me thus seize the occasion of the Abuja accord to state categorically that I have never made a statement endorsing any presidential or governorship contestant.  All such attributions are fabrications by faceless, often self-appointed agents of deception, and should be publicly pilloried.  Whenever I choose to declare support for a candidate - as is my electoral right - I shall ensure that I deploy a medium that places my authorship beyond dispute. Internet habituees, Social Network etc  are urged to be less gullible, and avoid becoming cheap conduits for the deception industry!

I take a less serious – indeed, near carnivalesque - view of the opportunistic, and sometimes de-contextualized use of genuine quotes from statements I have made in the past – that is a different matter entirely. As a non-pensioned writer however, and thus dependent on the proceeds of intellectual property, such users should expect to hear from my Literary Agents.

I join General Abdulsalami and others in hoping that 2015 prove a live-and-learn election year, not a do-or-die!

Wole SOYINKA

Wednesday, January 14, 2015

Attend Jonathan’s Rally Or Forfeit Your Salaries” – Governor Fayose Tells Ekiti Workers

IThis is not the best of times for Ekiti workers as they face the test of choice over a presidential election marching order to attend President Goodluck Jonathan’s campaign rally tomorrow in Ado-Ekiti, failure of which they should be prepared to forfeit their January salary.
And so as Nigerians grapple with the tragedy of leadership over the years and the opportunity presented by the February 14 election to support the leader who they believe is best suited to lead them out of the woods, Ekiti workers may not have the luxury of that constitutional liberty to support a leader well placed to lead them to the Promised Land.
The Monitors gathered that the maximum ruler in Ekiti State, Ayodele Fayose, has sent out a circular ordering all state public school teachers, civil servants and their local government counterparts to attend the presidential campaign of PDP’s candidate, President Goodluck Jonathan, tomorrow. Attendance is compulsory and those who absent themselves do so at their own risk. A register is being opened at the entrance of the venue for workers to record their presence. Those who fail to turn up should be prepared to
forfeit their January salary. It is now so bad that civil servants are compelled to attend political rallies such as the Jonathan Presidential campaign rally!

Omojuwa.com

Monday, January 12, 2015

Attend Jonathan's rally or forfeit your Salaries!

http://omojuwa.com/2015/01/attend-jonathans-rally-or-forfeit-your-salaries-governor-fayose-tells-ekiti-workers/